here is to the following verse from the mystical allegorical work: ManÇiq
al-ñair (p. 243, v. 5), generally considered the magnum opus, of one of
the greatest sufi poets and thinkers Farâd al-Dân AÇÇ«r (d.c. 618/1220):
2. A. N.
Whitehead, Religion in the Making, p. 5.
4. Cf. H.
L. Bergson, Creative Evolution, pp. 187-88; on this intuition-intellect relation
see also Allama Iqbals essay: Bedil in the light of Bergson, ed.
Dr Tehsin Firaqi, pp. 22-23.
haq«iq al-ashy«kam«hâya, a tradition, in one form or other, to be
found in well-known Sufistic works, for example, Alâb. Uthm«n al-Hujwayrâ,
Kashf al-MaÁjëb, p. 166; Mawl«n« Jal«l al-Dân Rëmâ, Mathnawâ-i Manawâ,
ii, 466-67; iv, 3567-68; v, 1765; MaÁmëd Shabistarâ (d. 720/1320), Gulshan-i
R«z, verse 200, and Abd al-RaÁm«n J«mâ (d. 898/1492), Law«ih,
2:164; 24:43-44; 30:48; 35:9; 45:5.
15:16; 25:6; 37:6; 41:12; 50:6; 67:5; 85:1.
F. M. Cornford: Platos Theory of Knowledge, pp. 29;109; also Bertrand
Russell: History of Western Philosophy, chapter: Knowledge and
Perception in Plato.
16:78; 23:78; 32:9; 67:23.
17:36. References here, as also at other places in the Lectures, to a
dozen Quranic verses in two sentences bespeak of what is uppermost in Allama
Iqbals mind, i.e. Quranic empiricism which by its very nature gives rise
to a Weltanschauung of the highest religious order. He tells us, for
example, that the general empirical attitude of the Qura`n engenders a
feeling of reverence for the actual and that one way of entering into relation
with Reality is through reflective observation and control of its perceptually
revealed symbols (cf. below, pp. 11-12, italics mine; also Lecture V, p. 102,
anti-classicism of the Qur«n cf. Mazheruddân Âiddiqâ, Concept of Muslim
Culture in Iqbal, pp. 13-25; also Lecture V, note 21.
R. A. Tsanoff, The Problem of Immortality (a work listed at S. No. 37
in the Descriptive Catalogue of Allama Iqbals Personal Library),
pp. 75-77; cf. also B. H. Zedler, Averroes and Immortality, New
Scholasticism (1954), pp. 436-53. It is to be noted that Tsanoff marshals
the views of S. Munk (Mé langes de philosophie, pp. 454 ff.), E. Renan
(Averroes et Iaverroisme, pp. 152, 158), A Stockl (Geschichte
der Philosophie des Mittelalters, 11, 117, 119), de Boer (Geschichte
der Philosophie, p. 173) and M. Horten (Die Hauptlehren des Averroes,
pp. 244 ff.) as against those of Carra de Vaux as presented by him in his work
Avicenne, pp. 233 ff., as well as in the article: Averroes in Encyclopaedia
of Religion and Ethics, II, 264-65, and clinches the matter thus: certainly
- and this is more significant for our purpose - it was as a denier of personal
immortality that scholasticism received and criticised Averroes (p. 77,
II, 16-19). For a recent and more balanced view of Ibn Rushds doctrine
of immortality, cf. Roger Arnaldez and A. Z. Iskander, Ibn Rushd,
Dictionary of Scientific Biography, XII, 7a-7b. It is to be noted, however,
that M. E. Marmura in his article on Soul: Islamic Concepts in The
Encyclopedia of Religion, XIII, 465 clearly avers that Ibn Rushds
commentaries on Aristotle leave no room for a doctrine of individual immortality.
Tsanoff, op. cit., pp. 77-84, and M. Yënus Farangi Mahallâ, Ibn Rushd
(Urdu; partly based on Renans Averroes et laverroisme), pp.
Lecture IV, pp. 93-98, and Lecture VII, pp. 156-57.
is to the expression lawÁ-in mahfëzin used in the Quranic verse 85:22. For the
interpretation this unique expression of the Qur«n see M. Asad, The
Message of the Qur«n, p. 943, note; and Fazlur Rahman, Major Themes
of the Qura`n, p. 98 - the latter seems to come quite close to Allama
Iqbals generally very keen perception of the meanings of the Qur«n.
comes quite close to the contemporary French philosopher Louis Rougiers
statement in his Philosophy and the New Physics p. 146, II, 17-21. This
work, listed at S. No. 15 in the Descriptive Catalogue of Allama Iqbals
Personal Library, is cited in Lecture III, p. 59.
here is to Tevfâk Fikret, pseudonym of Mehmed Tevfik, also known as Tevfik Nazmâ,
and not to Tawfik Fitrat as it got printed in the previous editions of the present
work. Fikret, widely considered the founder of the modern school of Turkish
poetry and remembered among other works for his collection of poems: Rub«b-i
Shikeste (The Broken Lute), died in Istanbul on 18 August 1915 at
the age of forty-eight. For an account of Fikrets literary career and
his anti-religious views, cf. Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism
in Turkey, pp. 300-02 and 338-39; also Haydar Ali Diriozs brief paper
in Turkish on Fikrets birth-centenary translated by Dr M. H. Notqi in
Journal of the Regional Cultural Institute, 1/4 (Autumn 1968), 12-15.
It is for
Turkish-Persian scholars to determine the extent to which Fikret made use of
the great poet-thinker Bedil (d. 1133/1721) for the anti-religious and
especially anti-Islamic propaganda in Central Asia. Among very many works
on both Bedil and Fikret that have appeared since Allamas days and are
likely to receive the scholars attention, mention must be made of Allamas
own short perceptive study: Bedil in the Light of Bergson, and unpublished
essay in Allamas hand (20 folios) preserved in the Allama Iqbal Museum
(Lahore); cf. Dr Ahmad Nabi Khan, Relics of Allama Iqbal (Catalogue)
, 1, 25, with photographic reproduction of the first sheet.
John Oxenford (tr.), Conversations of Goethe with Eckermann and Sorret
, p. 41.
Qur«n condemns monkery; see 57:27; 2:201; and 28:77. Cf. also Speeches,
Writings and Statements of Iqbal, ed. A. L. Sherwani, p. 7, for Allama Iqbals
observations on the respective attitudes of Christianity and Islam towards the
problems of life, leading to his keenly profound pronouncement: The religious
ideal of Islam, therefore, is organically related to the social order which
it has created.
are many verses of the Qur«n wherein it has been maintained that the universe
has not been created in sport (l«ibân) or in vain (b«Çil-an)
but for a serious end or with truth (bil-Áhaqq). These are respectively:
(a) 21:16; 44:38; (b) 3:191; 38:27; (c) 6:73; 10:5; 14:19; 15:85; 16:3; 29:44;
30:8; 39:5; 44:39; 45:22; 46:3; and 64:3.
also the Quranic verse 51:47 wherein the phrase inna la-mu`siu`n has been
interpreted to clearly foreshadow the modern notion of the expanding universe
(cf. M. Asad, The Message of the Qura`n, p. 805, note 31).
here is in particular to the Prophetic tradition worded as: l«tasubbëal-dahra
fa inn All«h huwal-dahru, (AÁmad Àanbal, Musnad, V, 299 and
311). Cf. also Bukh«râ, Tafsâr: 45; TauÁâd: 35; Adab`:
101; and Muslim, Alf«z 2-4; for other variants of the Áadâth SaÁâfa
Hamm«m-Bin-Munabbih (ed. Dr. M. Hamidullah) Áadâth 117, gives one
of its earliest recorded texts.
In an exceedingly
important section captioned Al-Waqtu Saif-un (Time is Sword) of his celebrated
Asr«r-i-Khudâ, Allama Iqbal has referred to the above hadit`h thus:
of Time and Time is of Life;
Do not abuse
Time! was the command of the Prophet. (trans. Nicholson)
is to the Quranic verse 70:19 which says: Man has been created restless
is very close to the language of the Qur«n which speaks of the hardening
of the hearts, so that they were like rocks: see 2:74; 5:13; 6:43; 39:22; and
that Allama Iqbal, through his keenly perceptive study of the Qur«n, had
psychically assimilated both its meanings and its diction so much so that many
of his visions, very largely found in his poetical works, may be said to be
born of this rare assimilation; cf. Dr Ghul«m Mustaf« Kh«ns voluminous
Iqb«l aur Qur«n (in Urdu).
41:35; also 51:20-21.
here is to the Mathnawâ, ii, 52:
sense is eating the food of darkness
sense is feeding from a sun (trans. Nicholson).
Bukh«râ, Jan«iz, 79; Shah«dah 3; Jih«d: 160, 178; and Muslim,
Fitan: 95-96. D. J. Halperins article: The Ibn Âayy«d Traditions
and the Legend of al-Dajj«l, Journal of the American Oriental Society,
XCII/ii (1976), 213-25, gives an atomistic analytic account of the ah«dâth listed
32. In Arabic:
lau tarakathu bayyana, an invariable part of the text of a number of
ah«dâth about Ibn Âayy«d; cf. D. B. Macdonald, The Religious Attitude
and Life in Islam, pp. 35 ff.; this book, which represents Macdonalds
reputed Haskell Lectures on Comparative Religion at Chicago University in 1906,
seems to have received Allamas close attention in the present discussion.
Lecture V, pp. 100 ff.
term subliminal self was coined by F. W. H. Myers in the 1890s
which soon became popular in religious psychology to designate what
was believed to be the larger portion of the self lying beyond the level of
consciousness, yet constantly influencing thought and behaviour as in parapsychic
phenomena. With William James the concept of subliminal self came to stand for
the area of human experience in which contact with the Divine Life may occur
(cf. The Varieties of Religious Experience, pp. 511-15).
op. cit., p. 42.
MuÁyuddân Ibn al-Arabâs observation that God is a precept,
the world is a concept, referred to in Lecture VII, p. 144, note 4.
p. 145, where it is observed: Indeed the incommunicability of religious
experience gives us a clue to the ultimate nature of the human ego.
39. W. E.
Hocking, The Meaning of God in Human Experience, p. 66. It is important
to note here that according to Richard C. Gilman this concept of the inextricable
union of idea and feeling is the source of strong strain of mysticism is Hockings
philosophy, but it is a mysticism which does not abandon the role of intellect
in clarifying and correcting intuition; cf. his article: Hocking, William
Ernest, Encyclopedia of Philosophy, IV, 47 (italics mine).
here perhaps is to the hot and long-drawn controversy between the Mutazilites
(early Muslim rationalists) and the Asharties (the orthodox scholastics)
on the issue of Khalq al-Qur«n, i.e. the createdness or the eternity of
the Qur«n; for which see Lecture VI, note 9. The context of the passage,
however, strongly suggests that Allama Iqbal means to refer here to the common
orthodox belief that the text of the Qur«n is verbally revealed, i.e.
the word is as much revealed as the meaning. This has
perhaps never been controverted and rarely if ever discussed in the history
of Muslim theology - one notable instance of its discussion is that by Sh«h
Walâ All«h in Sata«t and Fuyëz al-Àaramain. Nevertheless, it is
significant to note that there is some analogical empirical evidence in Allamas
personal life in support of the orthodox belief in verbal revelation. Once asked
by Professor Lucas, Principal of a local college, in a private discourse, whether,
despite his vast learning, he too subscribed to belief in verbal revelation,
Allama immediately replied that it was not a matter of belief with him but a
veritable personal experience for it was thus, he added, he composed his poems
under the spells of poetic inspiration - surely, Prophetic revelations are far
more exalted. Cf. Abdul Majâd S«lik, Dhikr-i Iqb«l, pp. 244-45
and Faqir Sayyid WaÁâd-ud-Dân, Rëzg«r-i Faqâr, pp. 38-39. After Allamas
epoch-making mathnawi: Asr«r-i Khudâ was published in 1915 and
it had given rise to some bitter controversy because of his critique of ajami
tasawwuf, and of the great À«fiz, he in a letter dated 14 April 1916 addressed
to Mah«r«ja Kishen Parsh«d confided strictly in a personal way: I did
not compose the mathnawâ myself; I was made to (guided to), to do so;
cf. M. Abdull«h Quraishâ Naw«dir-i Iqb«l (Ghair MaÇbuah
Khutët), Sahâfah, Lahore, Iqb«l Nambar (October
1973), Letter No. 41, p. 168.
William James, op. cit., p. 15.
designation apostle (rasël) is applied to bearers of divine
revelations which embody a new doctrinal system or dispensation; a prophet
(nabâ), on the other hand, is said to be one whom God has entrusted with
enunciation of ethical principles on the basis of an already existing dispensation,
or of principles common to all dispensations. Hence, every apostle is a prophet
as well, but every prophet is not an apostle.
Lecture VII, pp. 143-144, where this point is reiterated.
45. E. W.
Hocking, op. cit., pp.106-107.
II: THE PHILOSOPHICAL TEST OF THE REVELATIONS OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE
1. Cf. E.S.
Haldane and G.R.T. Ross (trs.), The Philosophical Works of Descartes,
2. Cf. The
Critique of Pure Reason, trans. N.Kemp Smith, p. 505.
3. The logical
fallacy of assuming in the premisses of that which is to be proved in the conclusion.
41:53, also 51:20-21.
6. Cf. R.F.A.
Hoernle, Matter, Life, Mind and God, pp. 69-70.
7. Cf. H.
Barker, article Berkeley in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics,
especially the section; Metaphysics of Immaterialism; see also Lecture
IV, p. 83, for Allama Iqbals acute observations in refutation of the
hypothesis of matter as an independent existence.
8. Cf. A.N.
Whitehead, The Concept of Nature, p. 30. This is what Whitehead has called
the theory of bifurcation of Nature based on the dichotomy of simply
located material bodies of Newtonian physics and the pure sensations
of Hume. According to this theory, Nature is split up into two disparate or
isolated parts; the one known to us through our immediate experiences of colours,
sounds, scents, etc., and the other, the world of unperceived scientific entities
of molecules, atoms, electrons, ether, etc. - colourless, soundless, unscented
- which so act upon the mind through impact as to produce in it
the illusions of sensory experiences in which it delights. The theory
thus divides totality of being into a reality which does not appear and is thus
a mere conjecture and appearances which are not real and so are
mere dream. Whitehead outright rejects bifurcation;
and insists that the red glow of sunset is as much part of Nature
as the vibrations of molecules and that the scientist cannot dismiss the red
glow as a psychic addition if he is to have a coherent Concept
of Nature. This view of Whitehead, the eminent mathematician, expounded
by him in 1920 (i.e. four years before his appointment to the chair of Philosophy
at Harvard at the age of sixty-three) was widely accepted by the philosophers.
Lord Richard Burdon Haldane, one of the leading neo-Hegelian British philosophers,
said to be the first philosophical writer on the Theory of Relativity, gave
full support to Whiteheads views on bifurcation as well as
on Relativity in his widely-read Reign of Relativity to which
Allama Iqbal refers in Lecture III, p. 57, and tacitly also perhaps in lecture
V. The way Lord Haldane has stated in this work his defence of Whiteheads
views of Relativity (enunciated by him especially in Concept of Nature) even
as against those of Einstein, one is inclined to surmise that it was perhaps
Reign of Relativity (incidentally also listed at S. No. 276 in the Descriptive
Catalogue of Allamas Personal Library) more than any other work that
led Allama Iqbal to make the observation: Whiteheads view of Relativity
is likely to appeal to Muslim students more than that of Einstein in whose theory
time loses its character of passage and mysteriously translates itself into
utter space (Lecture V, p. 106).
Iqbal states here Zenos first and third arguments; for all the four arguments
of Zeno on the unreality of motion, see John Burnet, Greek philosophy; Thales
to Plato, p. 84; they generally go by names; the dichotomy;
the Achilles; the arrow; and the stadium.
It may be added that our primary source for Zenos famous and controversial
arguments is Aristotle Physics (VI, 9, 239b) which is generally said to have
been first translated into Arabic by IsÁ«q b. Àunain (c. 845-910/911), the son
of the celebrated Àunain b. IsÁ«q. Aristotles Physics is also said to
have been commented on later by the Christian AbëAlâal-Àasan b. al-Samh
(c. 945-1027); cf. S.M. Stern, Ibn-al-Samh, Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society (1956), pp. 31-44. Even so it seems that Zenos arguments
as stated by Aristotle were known to the Muslim thinkers much earlier, maybe
through Christian-Syriac sources, for one finds the brilliant Mutazilite
Naïï«m (d. 231/845) meeting Zenos first argument in terms of his ingenious
idea of tafrah jump referred to by Allama Iqbal in Lecture III, pp. 63-64.
T.J. de Boer, article Atomic Theory (Muhammadan), in Encyclopaedia
of Religion and Ethics, II, 202-203; D.B. Macdonald, Development of Muslim
Theology, pp. 201 ff. and Majid Fakhry, Islamic Occasionalism, pp.
Kit«b al-FiÄal, V, 92-102.
Bergsons criticism of Zenos arguments cf. Creative Evolution,
pp. 325-30, and also the earlier work Time and Free Will, pp.113-15.
A.E. Taylor, article Continuity in Encyclopaedia of Religion
and Ethics, IV, 97-98.
14. Cf. Bertrand Russell,
Our Knowledge of the External World, pp. 169-88;
and Logic, pp. 84-91.
is not Russells own statement but that of H. Wildon Carr made during the
course of his exposition of Russells views on the subject; see Wildon
Carr, The General Principle of Relativity, p. 36.
of H. Wildon Carr and especially of Sir T. Percy Nunn on relativity in the present
context are to be found in their symposium papers on The Idealistic Interpretation
of Einsteins Theory published in the Proceedings of the Aristotelian
Society, N.S. XXII (1921-22), 123-27 and 127-30. Wildon Carrs, Doctrine
of Monadistic Idealism, however, is to be found much more fully expounded
in his General Principle of Relativity (1920) and A Theory of Monads:
Outlines of the Philosophy of the Principle of Relativity (1922); passages
from both of these books have been quoted in the present lecture (cf. notes
15 and 22).
Nunn, best known as an educationist, wrote little philosophy; but whatever little
he wrote, it made him quite influential with the leading contemporary British
philosophers: Whitehead, Samuel Alexander, Russell, Broad, and others. He is
said to have first formulated the characteristic doctrines of neo-Realism, an
important philosophical school of the century which had its zealot and able
champions both in England and in the United States. His famous symposium paper:
Are Secondary Qualities Independent of Perception? read in a meeting
of the Aristotelian Society in 1909 was widely studied and discussed and as
J. Passmore puts it: it struck Bertrand Russells roving fancy
(A Hundred Years of Philosophy, p. 258). It is significant to note that
Nunns correction put on Wildon Carrs idealistic interpretation of
relativity in the present passage is to be found almost in the same philosophical
diction in Russells valuable article: Relativity; Philosophical
Consequences, in Encyclopaedia Britannica (1953), XIX, 99d, Russell
says: It is a mistake to suppose that relativity adopts any idealistic
picture of the world . . . . The observer who is often mentioned
in expositions of relativity need not be a mind, but may be a photographic plate
or any kind of recording instrument.
17. On this
rather debatable interpretation of Einsteins theory of relativity see
Dr M. Razi-ud-dân Âiddâqâ, Iqbals Conception of Time and Space
in Iqbal As A Thinker, pp. 29-31, and Philipp Frank, Philosophical
Interpretations and Misinterpretations of the Theory of Relativity, in
H. Feigel and Mary Broadbeck (eds.), Readings in the Philosophy of Science,
pp. 222-26, reprinted from his valuable work. Interpretations and Misinterpretations
of Modern Physics (1938).
Hans Reichenbach, The Philosophical Significance of the Theory of Relativity,
in P.A. Schilpp (ed.), Albert-Einstein: Philosopher-Scientist, section
Tertium Organum, pp. 33f.
this with Bergsons view of consciousness in Creative Evolution, pp. 189f.
is a passage from J.S. Haldanes Symposium Paper: Are Physical, Biological
and Psychological Categories Irreducible? read in July 1918 at the joint
session of the Aristotelian Society, the British Psychological Society and the
Mind Association; see Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, XVII,
(1917-1918), 423-24, reproduced in H. Wildon Carr (ed.), Life and Finite
Individuality, pp. 15-16.
Theory of Monads, pp. 5-6.
Lecture I, pp. 8-11.
the Quranic verses quoted on p. 39; to these may be added 22:47, 32:5, and 70:4
- according to this last verse a day is of the measure of fifty thousand years.
Evolution, p. 1.
Qur«n says: And behold a day with thy sustainer is as a thousand
years of your reckoning (22:47). So also, according to the Old Testament:
One day is with the Lord as a thousand years (Psalms, xc.4).
to Bergson, this period may be as long as 25,000 years; cf. Matter and Memory,
further elucidation of future as an open possibility cf. Lecture III,
among others the Quranic verses 25:2; 54:49 and the earliest on this subject
in the chronological order of the sërahs: 87:2-3.
two short verses speak of four Divine ways governing all creation and so also
man, viz. Gods creating a thing (khalaqa), making it complete (fa
sawwa), assigning a destiny to it or determining its nature (qaddara)
and guiding it to its fulfilment (fa hada).
conception of destiny (taqdâr) as the inward reach of a thing,
its realizable possibilities which lie within the depth of its nature, and serially
actualize themselves without any feeling of external compulsion [italics
mine] understood in terms of the Divine ways embodied in the above two short
verses, seems to be singularly close to the text and the unique thought-forms
of the Qur«n. There is no place in this conception of destiny for the
doctrine of Fatalism as preached by some Muslim scholastic theologians whose
interpretation of the verses of the Qur«n for this purpose is more often
a palpable misinterpretation (Lecture IV, p. 89); nor for the doctrine of determinism
as expounded by the philosophers who, cut off from the inner life-impulse given
by Islam, think of all things in terms of the inexorable law of cause and effect
which governs the human ego as much as the environment in which
it is placed. They fail to realize that the origin of the law of cause
and effect lies in the depths of the transcendental ego which has devised
it or caused it under divine guidance to realize its divinely assigned destiny
of understanding and mastering all things (p. 86); also Asr«r-i Khudâ,
many verses especially those in the earlier sections.
Lecture I, p. 5.
Shiblâ Num«nâ, Shir al-Ajam, II, 114.
is a reference to pp. 33-36.
Lecture I, p. 8 and note 23.
Quranic verse 25:62 quoted on p. 37.
is to the Quranic expression: Ghanâyy-un anii-«lamân
found in verses 3:97 and 29:6.
is a reference to the Quranic verse 20:14: Verily, I - I alone - am God;
there is no deity save Me. Hence, worship Me alone, and be constant in prayer,
so as to remember Me.
reference is to the Quranic expression sunnat Allah found in 33:62; 35:43; 40:84-85;
Lecture III, p. 83, where Allama Iqbal observes: The scientific observer
of Nature is a kind of mystic seeker in the act of prayer.
argument referred to here was advanced by him in his article; The Unreality
of Time in Mind (N.S.), XVII/68 (October 1908), 457-74, reproduced
later in Nature of Existence, II, 9-31, as well as in the posthumous
Philosophical Studies, pp. 110-31. McTaggart has been called an
outstanding giant in the discussion of the reality or unreality of time
and his aforesaid article has been most discussed in recent philosophical literature
on Time. Of articles in defence of McTaggarts position, mention may be
made of Michael Dummett: A Defence of McTaggarts Proof of the Unreality
of Time in Philosophical Review, XIX (1960), 497-504. But he was
criticised by C.D. Borad, the greatest expositor of his philosophy (cf. his
commentary: Examination of McTaggarts Philosophy, Vol. I, 1933,
and Vol. II in two parts, 1938), in Scientific Thought, to which Allama
Iqbal has referred in the present discussion, as well as in his valuable article:
Time in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, XII, 339a;
and earlier than Broad by Reyburn in his article Idealism and the Reality
of Time in Mind (Oct.1913), pp. 493-508 which has been briefly
summarized by J. Alexander Gunn in Problem of Time: A Historical and Critical
Study, pp. 345-47.
C.D. Broad, Scientific Thought, p. 79.
is much like Broads admitting at the conclusion of his examination of
McTaggarts argument that time is the hardest knot in the whole of
Philosophy, ibid., p. 84.
Confessions of St. Augustine, xi, 17; cf. O. Spengler, The Decline of
the West, I, 140, where Augustines observation is quoted in connection
is to the Quranic verse 23:80 quoted on p. 37 above.
M. Afdal Sarkhwush, Kalim«t al-Shuar«, p. 77, where this verse is
given as under:
Kit«b al-FiÄal, II,158; also 1. Goldziher, The Z«hirâs, pp. 113
Alterswerke (Hamburg edition), I, 367, quoted by Spengler, op. cit.,
on fly-leaf with translation on p. 140. For locating this passage in Goethes
Alterswerke, I am greatly indebted to Professor Dr Annemarie Schimmel.
here is to the Prophets last words: al-sal«tu al-sal«tu wa m«malakat
aim«nukum (meaning: be mindful of your prayers and be kind to persons
subject to your authority) reported through three different chains of transmitters
in AÁmad b. Àanbals Musnad: VI, 290, 311 and 321.
III: THE CONCEPTION OF GOD AND THE MEANING OF PRAYER
1. Cf. Creative
Evolution, p. 13; also pp. 45-46.
3. See Qur«n,
for example, 2:163, 4:171, 5:73, 6:19, 13:16, 14:48, 21:108, 39:4 and 40:16,
on the Unity of Allah and 4:171, 6:101, 10:68, 17:111, 19:88-92 emphatically
denying the Christian doctrine of His sonship.
4. Cf. L.R.
Farnell, The Attributes of God, p. 56.
5. The full
translation here is a glistening star, required by the nass of the
Qur«n, Kaukab-un îurrây-ën.
6. On this
fine distinction of Gods infinity being intensive and not extensive, see
further Lecture IV, p. 94.
7. For the
long-drawn controversy on the issue of the creation of the universe, see, for
instance, Ghazz«lâ, Tah«fut al-Fal«sifah, English translation by S.A. Kam«lâ:
Incoherence of the Philosophers, pp. 13-53, and Ibn Rushd, Tah«fut
al-Tah«fut, English translation by Simon van den Bergh: The Incoherence
of the Incoherence, pp. 1-69; cf. also G.F. Hourani, Alghaz«lâ and
the Philosophers on the Origin of the World, The Muslim World,
XLVII/2(1958), 183-91, 308-14 and M. Saeed Sheikh, Al-Ghaz«lâ: Metaphysics,
A History of Muslim Philosophy ed. M.M. Sharif, I, 598-608.
8. Cf. Lecture
II, 28, 49.
Eddington, Space, Time and Gravitation, pp. 197-98 (italics by Allama
AbuHashims theory of atomism cf. T.J. de Boer, Atomic Theory (Muhammadan),
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, II, 202-03. De Boers account
is based on Abë Rashâd Saâds Kit«b al-Mas«il Fil-Khil«f,
ed. and trans. into German by Arthur Biram (Leyden,1902).
Ibn Khaldën, Muqaddimah, English translation by F. Rosenthal, III, 50-51,
where B«qill«nâ is said to have introduced the conceptions of atom(al-jawhar
al-fard), vacuum and accidents into the Ashartie Kal«m. R. J. McCarthy,
who has edited and also translated some of B«qill«nâs texts, however,
considers this to be unwarranted; see his article al-B«kâll«nâs
in the Encyclopaedia of Islam (New edition), I, 958-59. From the account
of Muslim atomism given in al-Asharâs Maq«l«t al-Isl«miyân,
this much has, however, to be conceded that atomism was keenly discussed by
the Muslim scholastic theologians long before B«qill«nâ.
the life and works of Maimonides and his relationship with Muslim philosophy,
cf. S. Pines, The Guide of the Perpelexed (New English translation, Chicago
University Press, 1963), Introduction by the translator and an Introductory
Essay by L. Strauss; cf. also Sarton, Introduction to the History of
Science, II, 369-70 and 376-77.
Macdonald, Continuous Re-creation and Atomic Time in Moslem Scholastic
Theology, The Moslem World, XVII/i (1928), 6-28; reprinted from
Isis, IX (1927), 326-44. This article is focussed on Maimonides
well-known Twelve Propositions of the Katam.
Continuous Re-creation and Atomic Time . . . in op. cit.,
pp. 25-28. See also The Religious Attitude and Life in Islam, p. 320,
where Macdonald traces the pantheistic developments in later sufi schools to
Buddhistic and Vedantic influences.
de Boer, Atomic Theory (Muhammadan), in op. cit., II, 203.
Eddington, op. cit., p. 200.
an account of Naïï«ms notion of al-tafrah or jump, see Asharâ,
Maq«l«t al-Isl«miyân, II, 18; Ibn Àazm, Kit«b al-FiÄal, V, 64-65,
and Shahrast«nâ, Kit«b al-Milal wal-NiÁal, pp. 38-39; cf. also
Isr«ânâ, Al-Tabsâr, p. 68, Majid Fakhry, Islamic Occasionalism,
p. 39, and H.A. Wolfson: The Philosophy of the Kal«m, pp. 514-17.
Whitehead, Science and the Modern World, p. 49.
21. A view,
among others held by B«qill«nâ who bases it on the Quranic verses 8:67 and 46:24
which speak of the transient nature of the things of this world. Cf. Kit«b al-Tamhâd,
I, p. 3; see also Lecture V, p. 102, note 21.
Asharites theory of the perpetual re-creation of the universe basing
it on the Absolute Power and Will of God, cf. Majid Fakhry, Islamic Occasionalism,
pp. 15, 117 ff. and M. Saeed Sheikh, Al-Ghaz«lâ; Metaphysics, in
op. cit., I, 603-08.
24. In R.A.
Nicholsons edition of the Mathnawâ this verse (i.1812) reads as
intoxicated with us, not we with it;
came into being from us, not we from it.
Richard Burdon Haldane, the elder brother of John Scott Haldane, from whose
Symposium Paper Allama Iqbal has quoted at length in Lecture II, p. 35, was
a leading neo-Hegelian British philosopher and a distinguished statesman who
died on 19 August 1928. Allamas using the expression the late Lord
Haldane is indicative of the possible time of his writing the present
Lecture which together with the first two Lectures was delivered in Madras (5-8
Jan. 1929). The idea of degrees of reality and knowledge, is very
vigorously expounded by Haldane in The Reign of Relativity (1921) as
also in his earlier two-volume Gifford Lectures: The Pathway to Reality
(1903-04) in which he also expounded the Principle of Relativity on purely philosophical
grounds even before the publication of Einsteins theory; cf. Rudolf Metz,
A Hundred Years of British Philosophy, p. 315.
is a reference to the Quran, 20:14.
further elucidation of the privacy of the ego, see Lecture IV, pp. 79-80.
p. 64 where Iqbal says that God out of His own creative freedom . . .
. has chosen finite egos to be participators of His life, power, and freedom.
tradition: Do not vilify time, for time is God referred to in Lecture
I, p. 8.
The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy, Vol. I, Definition
viii, Scholium i.
Louis Rougier, Philosophy and the New Physics (An Essay on the Relativity
Theory and the Theory of Quanta), p. 143. The work belongs to the earlier phase
of Rougiers philosophical output, a phase in which he was seized by the
new discoveries of physicists and mathematicians such as Henry Poincare (celestial
mechanics and new geometry), Max Planck (quantium theory) Nicolas L. Carnot
(thermodynamics), Madame Curie (radium and its compounds) and Einstein (principle
of relativity). This was followed by his critical study of theories of knowledge:
rationalism and scholasticism, ending in his thesis of the diversity of metaphysical
temperaments and the infinite plasticity of the human mind
whereby it takes delight in quite varied forms of intelligibility.
To the final phase of Rougiers philosophical productivity belongs La
Metaphysique et le langage (1960) in which he elaborated the conception
of plurality of language in philosophical discourse. Rougier also wrote on history
of ideas (scientific, philosophical, religious) and on contemporary political
and economical problems - his Les Mystiques politiques et leurs incidences
internationales (1935) and Les Mystiques economiques (1949) are noteworthy.
It is to
be noted that both the name Louis Rougier and the title of his book
Philosophy and the New Physics cited in the passage quoted by Allama
Iqbal are given puzzlingly incorrectly in the previous editions of Reconstruction
including the one by Oxford University Press (London, 1934); and these were
not noticed even by Madame Eva Meyerovitch in her French translation: Reconstruire
la pensee religieuse de lIslam (Paris, 1955, p. 83). It would have
been well-nigh impossible for me to find out the authors name and title
of the book correctly had I not received the very kindly help of the Dutch scholar
the Reverend Dr. Jan Slomp and Mlle Mauricette Levasseur of Bibliothé que Nationale,
Paris, who also supplied me with many useful particulars about the life and
works of Rougier. The last thing that I heard was that this French philosopher
who taught in various universities including the ones in Cairo and New York
and who participated in various Congresses and was the President of the Paris
International Congress of Scientific Philosophy in 1935, passed away on 14 October
1982 at the age of ninety-three.
Space, Time and Deity, II, 396-98; also Allama Iqbals letter dated
24 January 1921 addressed to R.A. Nicholson (Letters of Iqbal, ed. B.A.
Dar, pp. 141-42) where, while disagreeing with Alexanders view of God,
he observes: I believe there is a Divine tendency in the universe, but
this tendency will eventually find its complete expression in a higher man,
not in a God subject to Time, as Alexander implies in his discussion of the
Sufi poet named here as well as in Lectures V and VII as (Fakhr al-Dân) Ir«qâ,
we are told, is really Ain al-Quî«t Abul-Mu«lâ Abdullah
b. Muhammad b. Alâ b. al-Àasan b. Alâ al-Miy«njâ al-Hamad«nâ whose
tractate on space and time: Gh«yat al-Imk«n fi Dir«yat al-Mak«n (54 pp.)
has been edited by Rahim Farmanish (Tehran, 1338 S/1959); cf. English translation
of the tractate by A.H. Kamali, section captioned: Observations,
pp. i-v; also B.A. Dar, Iqbal aur Masalah-i Zam«n-o-Mak«n
in Fikr-i Iqbal ke Munawwar Goshay, ed. Salim Akhtar, pp. 149-51. Nadhr
S«birâ, however, strongly pleads that the real author of the tractate was Shaikh
T«j al-Dân Mahmëd b. Khud«-d«d Ashnawâ, as also hinted by Allama Iqbal in his
Presidential Address delivered at the Fifth Indian Oriental Conference (1928)
(Speeches, Writings and Statements of Iqbal,p. 137). Cf. Shaikh Mahmëd
Ashnawâs tractate: Gh«yat al Imk«n fi Marifat al-Zam«n wal-Mak«n
(42 pp.) edited by Nadhr S«birâ, Introduction embodying the editors
research about the MSS of the tractate and the available data of its author;
also H«jâKhalâfah, Kashf al-Zunën, II, 1190, and A. Monzavi, A Catalogue
of Persian Manuscripts, vol. II, Part I, MSS 7556-72.
Maul«n«Imti«z AlâKh«n Arshâ, Zam«n-o-Mak«n kâ Bahth ke Mutaallaq
All«mah Iqb«l k« aik Ma«khidh: Ir«qâya Ashnawâ, Maq«l«t:
Iqb«l ÿlamâ K«ngras (Iqbal Centenary Papers Presented at the International
Congress on Allama Mohammad Iqbal: 2-8 December 1977), IV, 1-10 wherein Maul«n«
Arshâ traces a new MS of the tractate in the Raza Library, Rampur, and suggests
the possibility of its being the one used by Allama Iqbal in these Lectures
as well as in his Address: A Plea for Deeper Study of Muslim Scientists.
It may be
added that there remains now no doubt as to the particular MS of this unique
Sufi tractate on Space and Time used by Allama Iqbal, for fortunately
it is well preserved in the Allama Iqbal Museum, Lahore (inaugurated by the
President of Pakistan on 26 September 1984). The MS, according to a note in
Allamas own hand dated 21 October 1935, was transcribed for him by the
celebrated religious scholar Sayyid Anwar Sh«h K«shmârâ Cf. Dr Ahmad Nabi Khan,
Relics of Allama Iqbal (Catalogue), p. 12.
of present annotation we have referred to Rahi`m Farmanishs edition of
Hamad«nâs Gh«yat al-Imk«n fi Dir«yat al-Mak«n (Tehran, 1338/1959)
and to A.H. Kamalis English translation of it (Karachi, 1971) where needed.
This translation, however, is to be used with caution.
Ain al-Quz«t Hamad«nâ, op. cit., p. 51; English translation, p.
Quranic expression umm al-kit«b occurs in 3:7, 13:39 and 43:4.
al-Mab«hith al-Mashriqâgah, I, 647; the Arabic text of the passage quoted
in English is as under:
here is in particular to the Qur«n 23:80 quoted in Lecture II, p.37.
Lecture II, p. 49, where, summing up his philosophical criticism
of experience, Allama Iqbal says: facts of experience justify the inference
that the ultimate nature of Reality is spiritual and must be conceived as an
Ain al-Quz«t Hamad«nâ, op. cit., p. 50; English translation, p.
36. For Royces view of knowledge of all things as a whole at once (totum
simul), see his World and the Individual, II, 141.
the cosmic harmony and unity of Nature the Qur«n says: Thou seest
no incongruity in the creation of the Beneficent. Then look again. Canst thou
see any disorder? Then turn thy eye again and again - thy look will return to
thee concused while it is fatigued (67:3-4).
3:26 and 73: see also 57:29.
Joseph Friedrich Naumann, Briefe ü ber Religion, p. 68; also Lecture
VI, note 38. The German text of the passage quoted in English is as under:
haben eine Welterkenntnis, die uns einen Gott der Macht und Starke lehrt, der
Tod und Leben wie Schatten und Licht gleichzeitig versendet, und eine Offenbarung,
einen Heilsglauben, der von demselben Gott sagt, dass er Vater sei. Die Nachfolge
des Weltgottes ergibt die Sittlichkeit des Kampfes ums Dasein, und der Dienst
des Vaters Jesu Christi ergibt die Sittlichkeit der Barmherzigkeit. Es sind
aber nicht zwei Gotter, sondern einer. Irgendwie greifen ihre Arme ineinander.
Nur kann kein Sterblicher sagen, wo und wie das geschieht."
is to Brownings famous lines in Pippa Passes:
God is in
the heaven -
All is right with the world.
Schopenhauer, World as Will and Idea, trans. R.B. Haldane and J. Kemp,
Book iv, section 57.
the origin and historical growth of the legend of Faust before Goethes
masterly work on it, cf. Mary Beares article Faust in Cassells
Encyclopaedia of Literature, 1, 217-19.
Genesis, chapter iii.
speaking, the word Adam for man in his capacity of Gods vicegerent on
earth has been used in the Qur«n only in 2:30-31.
Genesis, iii, 20.
Genesis, iii, 24.
2:36 and 7:24.
also verses 15:19-20.
2:35-37; also 20:120-122.
also verses 2:155 and 90:4.
I, pp. 10-11.
Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831-1891) is a noted spiritualist and theosophist
of Russian birth, who in collaboration with Col. H.S. Olcott and W.A. Judge
founded Theosophical Society in New York in November 1873. Later she transferred
her activities to India where in 1879 she established the office of the Society
in Bombay and in 1883 in Adyar near Madras with the following three objects:
(i) to form a nucleus of the universal brotherhood of humanity; (ii) to promote
the study of comparative religion, philosophy and science, and (iii) to investigate
the unexplained laws of nature and powers latent in man. The Secret Doctrine
(1888) deals, broadly speaking, with Cosmogenesis and Anthropogenesis
in a ponderous way; though largely based on Vedantic thought the secret
doctrine is claimed to carry in it the essence of all religions.
mention of tree as a cryptic symbol for occult knowledge in The
Secret Doctrine, cf. I, 187: The Symbol for Sacred and Secret knowledge
in antiquity was universally a Tree, by which a scripture or a Record was also
meant; III, 384: Ormzad . . . is also the creator of the Tree
(of Occult and Spiritual Knowledge and Wisdom) from which the mystic and the
mysterious Baresma is taken, and IV, 159: To the Eastern Occultist
the Tree of Knowledge (leads) to the light of the eternal present Reality.
It may be
added that Allama Iqbal seems to have a little more than a mere passing interest
in the Theosophical Society and its activities for, as reported by Dr M. Abdull«h
Chaghat«â, he, during his quite busy stay in Madras (5-8 Jan. 1929) in
connection with the present Lectures, found time to pay a visit to the head
office of the Society at Adyar. One may also note in Development of Metaphysics
in Persia (p. 10, note 2) reference to a small work Reincarnation
by the famous Annie Besant (President of the Theosophical Society, 1907-1933,
and the first and the only English woman who served as President of the Indian
National Congress in 1917) and added to this are the two books published by
the Theosophical Society in Allamas personal library (cf. Descriptive
Catalogue of Allama Iqbals Personal Library, No. 81 and Relics
of Allama Iqbal; Catalogue IV, 11). All this, however, does not enable one
to determine the nature of Allama Iqbals interest in the Theosophical
17; 11; also 21:37. The tree which Adam was forbidden to approach (2:35 and
7:19), according to Allama Iqbals remarkably profound and rare understanding
of the Qur«n, is the tree of occult knowledge, to which man
in all ages has been tempted to resort in unfruitful haste. This, in Allamas
view, is opposed to the inductive knowledge which is most characteristic
of Islamic teachings. He indeed, tells us in Lecture V (p. 101) that the
birth of Islam is the birth of inductive intellect. True, this second
kind of knowledge is so toilsome and painfully slow: yet this knowledge alone
unfolds mans creative intellectual faculties and makes him the master
of his environment and thus Gods true vicegerent on earth. If this is
the true approach to knowledge, there is little place in it for Mme Blavatskys
occult spiritualism or theosophism. Allama Iqbal was in fact opposed to all
kinds of occultism. In one of his dialogues, he is reported to have said that
the forbidden tree (shajr-i mamnëah) of the Qur«n
is no other than the occultistic taÄawwuf which prompts the patient to
seek some charm or spell rather than take the advice of a physician. The taÄawwuf,
he added, which urges us to close our eyes and ears and instead to concentrate
on the inner vision and which teaches us to leave the arduous ways of conquering
Nature and instead take to some easier spiritual ways, has done the greatest
harm to science. [Cf. Dr Abul-Laith Siddâqâ, Malfëz«t-i Iqb«l,
pp. 138-39]. It must, however, be added that Allama Iqbal does speak of a genuine
or higher kind of taÄawwuf which soars higher than all sciences and all
philosophies. In it the human ego so to say discovers himself as an individual
deeper than his conceptually describable habitual selfhood. This happens in
the egos contact with the Most Real which brings about in it a kind of
biological transformation the description of which surpasses all
ordinary language and all usual categories of thought. This experience
can embody itself only in a world-making or world-shaking act, and in this form
alone, we are told, can this timeless experience . . . make itself
visible to the eye of history (Lecture VII, p. 145).
2:36; 7:24; 20:123.
II, p. 58.
V, pp. 119ff.
Principles of Psychology, I, 316.
R.A. Nicholson (ed. and tr.), The Mathnawi of Jalalëddân Rëmâ, Vol. IV
(Books i and ii - text), ii, w. 159-162 and 164.
ibid., Vol. IV, 2 (Books i and ii - translation), p. 230. It is to be noted
that quite a few minor changes made by Allama Iqbal in Nicholsons English
translation of the verses quoted here from the Mathnawâ are due to his
dropping Nicholsons parentheses used by him for keeping his translation
literally as close to the text as it was possible. Happily, Allamas personal
copies of Volumes 2-5 and 7 of Nicholsons edition of the Mathnawi are
preserved in Allama Iqbal Museum (Lahore) and it would be rewarding to study
his usual marginal marks and jottings on these volumes.
the Quranic verse 3:191 where so far as private prayers are concerned the faithful
ones are spoken of remembering God standing and sitting and lying on their sides.
Qur«n speaks of all mankind as one community; see verses 2:213,
THE HUMAN EGO - HIS FREEDOM AND IMMORTALITY
1. Cf. Qur«n,
6:94, 19:80 and 19:93-95; see also p. 93 where Allama Iqbal, referring to these
last verses, affirms that in the life hereafter the finite ego will approach
the Infinite Ego with the irreplaceable singleness of his individually.
is, in fact translation of the Quranic text: wa l«taziru w«zirat-unw wizra
ukhr« which appears in verses 6:164; 17:15; 35:18; 39:7 and 53:38. Chronologically
the last verse 53:38 is the earliest on the subject. The implication of this
supreme ethical principle or law is three-fold: a categorical rejection of the
Christian doctrine of the original sin, refutation of the idea of
vicarious atonement or redemption, and denial of the possibility
of mediation between the sinner and God (cf. M. Asad, The Message of the
Qur«n, p. 816, note 31).
translation of the Quranic verse 53:39 which is in continuation of the verse
last referred to above.
4. Cf. O.
Spengler, The Decline of the West, I, 306-07. Also Lecture V, p. 114
where Allama Iqbal makes the important statement: Indeed my main purpose
in these lectures has been to secure a vision of the spirit of Islam as emancipated
from its Magian overlayings (italics mine). This may be read in conjunction
with Allamas reply to a Parsi gentlemans letter published in Statesman.
This reply makes it clear that: Magian thought and religious experience
very much permeate Muslim theology, philosophy and Sufism. Indeed, there is
evidence to show that certain schools of Sufism known as Islamic have only repeated
the Magian type of religious experience . . . . There is definite evidence in
the Qur«n itself to show that Islam aimed at opening up new channels not
only of thought but the religious experience as well. Our Magian inheritance,
however, has stifled the life of Islam and never allowed the development of
its real spirit and aspirations (Speeches, Writings and Statements
of Iqbal, ed. A.L. Sherwani, p. 170). It is important to note that, according
to Allama Iqbal, Bahaism and Qadianism are the two forms which the modern
revival of pre-Islamic Magianism has assumed, cf. his article Qadianis
and Orthodox Muslims, ibid., p. 162. This is reiterated in Introduction
to the Study of Islam, a highly valuable synopsis of a book that Allama
contemplated to write. Under section E Sub-section (iii) one of
the topics of this proposed book is: Babi, Ahmadiyya, etc. Prophecies.
All More or Less Magian (Letters and Writings of Iqbal, p. 93;
italics mine). Earlier on pp. 87-88 there is an enlightening passage which reads:
Empire brought men belonging to earlier ascetic cultures, which Spengler
describes as Magian, within the fold of Islam. The result was the conversion
of Islam to a pre-Islamic creed with all the philosophical controversies of
these creeds: Rëh, Nafs; Qur«n; Àadâth or Qadâm.
Real Islam had very little chances. This may be compared with Allamas
impassioned statement in his article: Islam and Mysticism (Speeches,
Writings and Statements of Iqbal, p. 122): The Moslems of Spain, with
their Aristotelian spirit, and away from the enervating influences of the thought
of Western and Central Asia, were comparatively much closer to the spirit of
Islam than the Moslem races of Asia, who let Arabian Islam pass through all
the solvents of Ajam and finally divested it of its original character. The
conquest of Persia meant not the conversion of Persia to Islam, but the conversion
of Islam to Persianism. Read the intellectual history of the Moslems of Western
and Central Asia from the 10th century downwards, and you will find therein
verified every word that I have written above. And Allama Iqbal wrote
this, be it noted, in July 1917, i.e. before Spenglers magnum opus: The
Decline of the West was published (Vol. I, 1918, revised 1923, Vol. II,
1922; English translation, Vol. I, 23 April 1926, Vol. II, 9 November 1928)
and before the expressions such as Magian Soul, Magian Culture
and Magian Religion came to be used by the philosophers of history
5. Cf. the Quranic verses
41:53 and 51:20-21, which make it incumbent on men to study signs of God in
themselves as much as those in the world around them.
6. Cf. Husain
b. Mansër al-Àall«j, Kit«b al-ñaw«sân, English translation by Aisha Abd
Ar-Rahman, also by Gilani Kamran, (Ana al-Haqq Reconsidered, pp. 55-108),
ñ«sân VI, 23, containing al-Àall«js ecstatic utterance: an«
al-Haqq, and L. Massignons explanatory notes on it translated by R.A.
Butler in his article Kit«b al-Taw«sân of al-Hall«j Journal of
the University of Baluchistan, 1/2 (Autumn 1981), 79-85; cf. also A. Schimmel,
Mystical Dimensions of Islam, pp. 66 ff.
It may be
noted that Allama Iqbal in his, in many ways very valuable, article McTaggarts
Philosophy (Speeches, Writings and Statements of Iqbal, pp. 143-51),
compares McTaggart to Àall«j (pp. 148-49). In the system of this philosopher-saint,
mystical intuition, as a source of knowledge, is much more marked than
in the system of Bradley . . . . In the case of McTaggart the mystic Reality
came to him as a confirmation of his thought . . . . When the mystic Sultan
Abë Said met the philosopher Abë Alâ ibn Sân«, he is reported to
have said, I see what he knows. McTaggart both knew and saw
(pp. 145-46). The key to McTaggarts system indeed, is his mysticism as
is borne out from the concluding sentence of his first work Studies in the Hegelian
Dialectic: All true philosophy must be mystical, not indeed in its methods,
but in its final conclusions.
article on McTaggarts Philosophy also contains Allama Iqbals
own translation of two passages from his poem The New Garden of Mystery (Gulshan-i
R«z-i Jadâd) dealing with Questions VI and VIII; the latter Question probes
into the mystery of Àall«js ecstatic utterance: I am the Truth.
Cf. B.A. Dar (tr.), Iqbals Gulshan-i R«z-i Jadâd and Bandagâ N«mah,
pp. 42-43, 51-54.
7. Cf. The
Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, II, 76-103.
Iqb«l significant observation that modern psychology has not yet touched
even the outer fringe of religious life and is still far from the richness and
variety of what is called religious experience (Lecture VII, p. 152).
9. Cf. Ethical
Studies (1876), pp. 80 f.
The Principles of Logic (1883), Vol. II, chapter ii.
Appearance and Reality (1893), pp. 90-103.
is the individual mind or consciousness of man or his soul distinguished from
the cosmic mind, cosmic consciousness or world-soul; cf. Atman,
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, II,195, also XII, 597.
Appearance and Reality, p. 89; also Appendix, p. 497.
as, mutual, states in the previous editions.
Ghaz«lâs concept;ion of the soul, cf. M. Saeed Sheikh, Al-Ghaz«lâ:
Mysticism, A History of Muslim Philosophy, ed. M.M. Sharif, I,
here is to what Kant named Paralogisms of Pure Reason, i.e. fallacious
arguments which allege to prove substantiality, simplicity, numerical identity
and eternality of the human soul; cf. Critique of Pure Reason, pp. 328-83.
pp. 372-73; this is, in fact, Kants argument in refutation of the German
Jewish philosopher Moses Mendelssohns Proof of the Permanence of
the Soul; cf. Kemp Smith, Commentary to Kants Critique of Pure
Reason, pp. 470-71.
Principles of Psychology, Vol. I, chapter ix, especially pp. 237-48.
p. 339; cf. Critique of Pure Reason, p. 342, note (a) where Kant gives
an illustration of a series of elastic balls in connection with the third paralogism
to establish the numerical identity of the ego. Kemp Smith in his Commentary
p. 461, has rightly observed that William Jamess psychological description
of self-consciousness is simply an extension of this illustration.
pp. 84-85, where Allama Iqbal gives a philosophical answer to this question
in terms of contemporary theory of emergent evolution as expounded by S. Alexander
(Space, Time and Deity, 2 vols., 1920) and C.L. Morgan (Emergent Evolution,
1923). The theory distinguishes between two kinds of effects: resultants
which are the predictable outcome of previously existing conditions and emergents
which are specifically new and not completely predictable. According to Alexander,
who in his original conception of emergence was indebted to Morgan (cf. Space,
Time and Deity, II, 14), mind is an emergent from life,
and life an emergent from a lower physico-chemical level of existence
(ibid.). When physico-chemical processes attain a certain degree of Gestalt-like
structural complexity life emerges out of it. Life is not an epiphenomenon,
nor is it an entelechy as with Hans Driesch but an emergent - there
is no cleft between life and matter. At the next stage of configurations
when neural processes in living organisms attain a certain level of structural
complexity, mind appears as a novel emergent. By reasonable extrapolation it
may be assumed that there are emergents (or qualities) higher than
very close to Maul«n« Rëmâs biological future of man, Abd
al-Karâm al-Jâlâs Perfect Man and Nietzsches Superman.
No wonder that Allama Iqbal in his letter dated 24 January 1921 to R.A. Nicholson
(Letters of Iqbal, pp. 141-42), while taking a strict notice of E.M.
Forsters review of The Secrets of the Self (translation of his
epoch-making Asr«r-i Khudâ) and particularly of the Nietzschean allegation
against him (cf. Forsters review in Dr Riffat Hassan, The Sword and
the Sceptre, p. 284) writes: Nor does he rightly understand my idea
of the Perfect Man which he confounds with the German thinkers Superman.
I wrote on the Sufi doctrine of the Perfect Man more than twenty years ago,
long before I had read or heard anything of Nietzsche . . . . The English reader
ought to approach this idea, not through the German thinker, but through an
English thinker of great merit (italics mine) - I mean Alexander - whose
Gifford Lectures (1916-18) delivered at Glasgow were published last year.
This is followed by a quotation from Alexanders chapter on Deity
and God (op. cit., II, 347, II, 1-8) ending in a significant admission:
Alexanders thought is much bolder than mine (italics mine).
generally known as James-Lange theory of emotions. This theory was propounded
by the Danish physician and psychologist, Carl George Lange in a pamphlet Om
Sindsbevaegelser in 1885, while William James had already set forth similar
views in an article published in Mind in 1884. For a full statement of
the theory, see William James, Principles of Psychology, II, 449 ff. and for
its refutation (as hinted at by Allama Iqbal), Encyclopaedia Britanica, s.v.,
Iqbals very clear and definitive verdict of body-mind dualism, cf. Lecture
VI, p. 122.
is to the Quranic verse (7:54) quoted on p. 82.
Lecture II, p. 28.
William James, op. cit., II, 549.
generally known as Gestalt Psychology, this German school of psychology was
the result of the combined work of M. Wertheimer, K. Koffka and W. Kö hler during
1912-14. It came as a reaction against the psychic elements of analytic or associationistic
psychology, insisting upon the concept of gestalt, configuration, or organized
whole which, if analyzed, it was averred, would lose its distinctive quality.
Thus it is impossible to consider the phenomenon of perception as in any way
made up of a number of isolable elements, sensory or of any other origin, for
what we perceive are forms, shapes or configurations.
From perception the gestalt-principle has been extended throughout
psychology and into biology and physics. Important for Iqbal scholars are the
suggestions recently made to discern some points of contact between
the Gestalt and the philosophies of J. C. Smuts (holism) and A.N. Whitehead
(philosophy of organism); cf. K. Koffka, Gestalt, Encyclopaedia
of the Social Sciences, VI, 642-46; also J. C. Smuts, Holism,
Encyclopaedia Britannica, XI, 643.
concept of insight was first elaborately expounded by W. Kö hler
in his famous work: The Mentality of Apes (first English translation
in 1924 of his Intelligerprufü ngen an Menschenaffen, 1917); cf. C.S.
Peyser, Kohler, Wolfgang (1887-1967), Encyclopedia of Psychology,
32. In the
history of Islamic thought, this is one of the finest arguments to resolve the
age-long controversy between determinism and indeterminism and to establish
the soundest basis for self-determinism.
The Decline of the West, II, 240, where Spengler says: But it is
precisely the impossibility of an Ego as a free power in the face of the divine
that constitutes Islam. (italics by Spengler); earlier on p. 235 speaking of
Magian religions (and for him Islam is one of them) Spengler observes: the
impossibility of a thinking, believing, and knowing Ego is the presupposition
inherent in all the fundamentals of all these religions.
Lecture II, p. 40.
Introduction to the Secrets of the Self (English translation of Allama
Iqbals philosophical poem: Asr«r-i Khudâ), pp. xviii-xix.
Ibn Qutaibah, Kit«b al-Ma«rif, ed. Ukashah, p. 441; cf. also
Obermann, Political Theology in Early Islam: Àasan al-Basrâs
Treatise on qadar, Journal of the American Oriental Society, LV
D. B. Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology, pp. 123-24, for a brief
mention of the origin of the theory of the accomplished fact with
reference to the political attitude of the Murjâites, and Khuda Bukhsh,
Politics in Islam, p. 150, for Ibn Jam«ahs view on the subject
as contained in his work on constitutional law of Islam: TaÁrâr al-Ahk«m
fâ Tadbâr Ahl al-Isl«m (ed. Hans Kofler), p. 357. It may be added that Allama
Iqbal did take notice of Ibn Jama`ahs view (of baiah through
force) and observed: This opportunist view has no support in the law of
Islam: cf. his article Political Thought in Islam Sociological
Review, I (1908), 256, II, 15-16; reproduced in Speeches, Writings and
Statements of Iqbal, ed. A. L. Sherwani, p. 115.
Renan, Averrö es et laverroisme (pp. 136f.) as quoted in R.A. Tsanoff,
The Problem of Immortality, p. 76.
William James, Human Immortality, p. 32.
Lecture II, pp. 26-28; also p. 83.
passage in its entire import seems to be quite close to the one quoted from
Eddingtons widely read Nature of the Physical World (p. 323) in
Lecture VII, p. 147.
R. A. Tsanoff, op. cit., pp. 143-78, for a commendable account of Nietzsches
doctrine of Eternal Recurrence.
H. Spencer, First Principles, pp. 549 ff.
Tsanoff, op. cit., pp. 162-63.
Oscar Levy (ed.), Complete Works of Friedrich Nietzsche, XIV, 248 and
250, quoted in Tsanoff, op. cit., p. 163.
Levy, op. cit., XVI, 274, and Tsanoff, op. cit., p. 177.
Lecture V, p. 113 where Iqbal says: Whatever may be the criterion by which
to judge the forward steps of creative movement, the movement itself, if conceived
as cyclic, ceases to be creative. Eternal recurrence is not eternal creation,
it is eternal repetition.
according to Lanes Arabic-English Lexicon, means a thing
that intervenes between any two things, or a bar, an obstruction, or a thing
that makes a separation between two things. As signifying the state between
death and resurrection the word barzakh occurs in the Qur«n, 23:99-100.
is to the Quranic verses 23:12-14 quoted on p. 83.
also verses 6:94 and 19:80.
of the Quranic expression ajr-un ghairu mamnun-in found in verses 41:8;
84:25 and 95:6.
here is among others to the Quranic verses 69:13-18; 77:8-11.
also the Quranic verses 20:112; 21:103; 101:6-7.
alludes to the difference of the Prophets encounter with God as stated
in the Quranic verse 53:17 from that of Prophet Moses as given in verses
7:143. Referring to the Persian verse (ascribed by some to the Sufâ poet Jam«lâ
of Delhi who died in 942/1535), Iqbal in his letter to Dr Hadi Hasan of Aligarh
Muslim University observes: In the whole range of Muslim literature there
is not one verse like it and these two lines enclose a whole infinitude of ideas.
See B.A. Dar (ed.), Letters and Writings of Iqbal, pp. 2-3.
57. So important
is action or deed according to the Qur«n that
there are more than one hundred verses urging the believers to act righteously
- hence, the opening line of Allama Iqbals Preface to the Lectures; see
M. Fu«d Abd al-B«qâs al-Mujam al-Mufahras li Alf«z al-Qur«n
al Karâm, verses under the radicals: ml, slh and hsn.
according to Helmholtz, one of the greatest scientists of the nineteenth century,
was about thirty metres per second. Before Helmholtz the conduction of neural
impulse was thought to be instantaneous, too fast to be measured. After he had
demonstrated its measurement through his experimental studies; his researches
came to be used in experiments on reaction time (cf. Gardner Murphy, Historical
Introduction to Modern Psychology, p. 138 and N. A. Haynies article:
Helmholtz, Hermann von (1821-1894) in Encyclopedia of Psychology,
II, 103. Allama Iqbals Hypothetical statement with reference to Helmholtzs
discovery: If this is so, our present physiological structure is at the
bottom of our present view of time is highly suggestive of new physiological
or biological studies of time. It is to be noted that some useful research in
this direction seems to have been undertaken already; cf. articles: Time
and Time Perception in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica (Macropaedia),
George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, I, 597, where
it is said that the Kit«b al-Hayaw«n of al-J«Áiï contains the germs of many
later theories: evolution adaptation, animal psychology. Cf. also M. Plessner,
Al-J«Áiï in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, VII, 63-65.
a statement of the views of Brethren of Purity with regard to the
hypothesis of evolution, cf. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, An Introduction to Islamic
Cosmological Doctrines, pp. 72-74.
Lecture V, p. 107, for Ibn Maskawaihs very clear conception of biological
evolution, which later found expression in the inimitable lines
of the excellent Rëmâ quoted in the next passage as well as in Lecture
VII, pp. 147-48.
E. H. Whinfield (tr.), Masnavi, pp. 216-17; this is translation of verses
3637-41 and 3646-48 of Book iv of Rëmâ s Mathnawâ- cf. Allama Iqbals
observation on these verses in his Development of Metaphysics in Persia,
the keeping of a book or record of whatever man does in life here, there is
repeated mention in the Qura`n; see, for example, verses 18:49; 21:94;
43:80 and 45:29.
seems here to be to the Quranic verse 29:20 though second creation
is also alluded to in such verses as 10:4; 27:64; 30:11. See also 56:61.
here is to the Quranic description of life hereafter such as is to be found
in verses 37:41-49 and 44:51-55 for the state of life promised to the righteous,
and 37:62-68 and 44:43-49 for the kind of life to be suffered by the wicked.
See also 32:17.
is to the Quranic expression h«wâyah (for hell) in 101:9.
the Quranic verse 57:15 where the fire of hell is spoken of as mans friend
(maul«), i.e. the only thing by which he may hope to be purified
and redeemed (cf. M. Asad, The Message of the Qur«n, p. 838,
V: THE SPIRIT OF MUSLIM CULTURE
1. Cf. Abd
al-Quddës Gangàhâ, Lat«if-i Quddësâ, ed. Shaikh Rukn al-Di`n, LaÇâfah
79; the Persian text rendered into English here is:
may also be made here to very pithy and profound jottings of Allama Iqbal on
the back cover of his own copy of William Jamess Varieties of Religious
Experience, especially to those under the sub-heading: Mystical and
Prophetic Consciousness with explicit mention of Abd al-Quddu`s
Gango`hi`; see Muhammad Siddiq, Descriptive Catalogue of Allama Iqbals
Personal Library, Plate No. 8.
great idea is embodied in the Quranic verse 33:40, i.e. Muhammad... is
All«hs Apostle and the Seal of all Prophets, (Muhammad-un rasël All«h
wa kh«tam-un nabâyyân). It has also been variously enunciated in the Àadâth
literature (i) y« Muhammad-u anta rasël Ull«h-i wa kh«tam al-anbiy«
: O Muhammad! you are Allahs Apostle and the Seal of all Prophets;
this is what other Prophets would proclaim on the Day of Resurrection (Bukh«râ,
Tafsâr: 17). (ii) Wa an«kh«tim-un-nabâyyân: And I
am the last of the Prophets (ibid., Man«qib: 7; Muslim, ¥m«n:
327). (iii) Laisa nabâyyu badâ: There is no Prophet after
me (Bukh«râ, Magh«zâ: 77). (iv) L«nabâyya badâ: There
is no Prophet after me (ibid., Anbâya: 50; Muslim, Im«rah: 44;
Fad«il al-Sah«bah: 30-31). (v) Wa l«nabâyya badahë:
And there is no Prophet after him, said so by Abë Awf« as narrated
by Ism«âl (Bukh«râ, ÿd«b: 109). (vi) L«nubuwwah badâ:
There is no prophethood after me (Muslim, Fad« al-Sah«bah:
wahy matluww (revelation which is recited or worded revelation) is specific
to the Prophets, the Qur«n speaks of revelation in connection with earth
(99:5), heavens (41:12), honey-bee (16:68-69), angels (8:12), mother of Moses
(28:7) and disciples of Jesus (5:111). As to the different modes of revelation
here is to the last but one passage of the Quranic verse 5:3 which reads: This
day have I perfected your religion for you and completed My favour unto you
and have chosen for you as religion al-Isl«m. This passage, according
to all available aÁ«dâth on the testimony of the Prophets contemporaries,
was revealed at Araf«t in the afternoon of Friday, the 9th of Dhul-Àijjah
10 A.H., the year of the Prophets last pilgrimage to Makkah (cf. Bukha`ri`,
¥m«n: 34, where this fact is authenticated by Haîrat Umar b. al-Khatta`b).
It is to be noted that the Prophets death took place eighty-one of eighty-two
days after the revelation of this verse and as it speaks of the perfection of
religion in Islam, no precept of legal import whatsoever was revealed after
it; cf. R«zâ, al-Tafsâr al-Kabâr.
6. The first
half of the formula of Islam is: l«il«h ill All«h, i.e. there is no god
but Allah, or nothing whatever is worthy of worship except Allah. The other
half is Muhammad-un Rasëlull«h, i.e. Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah.
The expression formula of Islam signifies that by bearing witness
to the truth of these two simple propositions a man enters the fold of Islam.
7. Cf. Bukh«râ,
Jan«iz: 78; Shah«dah: 3; and Jih«d: 160 and 178 (Eng.
trans. M. Muhsin Khan, II, 244-45; III, 488-89, and IV, 168-69 and 184-86) and
Muslim: Fitan: 95-96 (Eng. trans. A.H. Siddiqi, IV, 1510-15).
8. Cf. Muqaddimah,
trans. Rosenthal, Vol. III, Section vi, Discourse: The Science of Sufism;
D. B. Macdonald, Religious Attitude and Life in Islam, pp. 165-74, and
M. Syrier, Ibn Khaldu`n and Mysticism, Islamic Culture, XXI/ii
here is to the Quranic verses: 41:37; 25:45; 10:6; 30:22 and 3:140 bearing on
the phenomena of Nature which have quite often been named in the Qur«n
as «y«t All«h, i.e. the apparent signs of God (R«ghib, al-Mufrad«t,
pp. 32-33); this is followed by reference to verses 25:73 and 17:72 which in
the present context clearly make it as much a religious duty of the true
servants of the Most Gracious God Iba`d-ur-Rahma`n to ponder over
these apparent signs of God as revealed to the sense-perception of man
as to ponder over the Divine communications («y«t al-Qur«n) revealed
to the Holy Prophet - this two-way God-consciousness alone ensures mans
physical and spiritual prosperity in this life as well as in the life hereafter.
G. H. Lewes, The Biographical History of Philosophy (1857), p. 306, lines,
4-8, where Lewes says: It is this work (Revivification of the Sciences
of Religion) which A. Schmö lders has translated; it bears so remarkable
a resemblance to the Discours de la mé thod of Descartes, that
had any translation of it existed in the days of Descartes, everyone would have
cried against the plagiarism. The second sentence of this passage was
quoted by Allama Iqbal in his doctoral dissertation: The Development of Metaphysics
in Persia (1908), p. 73, note (1), in support of his statement that Ghazz«lâ
anticipated Descartes in his philosophical method.
It is to
be noted that Schmö lders Essai sur les é coles philosophiques chez
les Arabes (Paris, 1842) was not the French translation of Ghazz«lâs
voluminous Revivification (Ihy« Ulëm al-Dân in
forty books) but that of his autobiographical work Al-Munqidh min al-Dal«l
with its earliest edited Arabic text. It seems that the remarkable originality
and boldness of Ghazz«lâs thought in the French version of al-Munqidh
led Lewes to confuse it with the greater, the more famous Revivification
(Ihy«). For the amazing resemblance between Ghazz«lâs
Al-Munqidh min al-Dal«l (Liberation from Error) and Descartes
Discours de la method (Discourse on Method), see Professor M. M.
Sharif, The Influence of Muslim Thought on the West, Section:
D, A History of Muslim Philosophy, II, 1382-84.
al-QisÇ«s al-Mustaqâm, trans. D.P. Brewster (The Just Balance),
chapters ii-vi and translators Appendix III: Al-Ghazz«lâ and the
Syllogism, pp. 126-30; cf. also Michael E. Marmura, Ghaza`li`s
Attitude to the Secular Sciences and Logic, Essays on Islamic Philosophy
and Science, ed. G. F. Hourani, Section II, pp. 102-03, and Susanna Diwalds
detailed review on al-QisÇ«s in Der Islam (1961), pp. 171-74.
an account of Ishra`qi`s criticism of Greek logic contained in his Hikmat
al-Ishr«q, cf. S. Hossein Nasr, Shiha`b al-Di`n Suhrawardi`Maqtu`l,
A History of Muslim Philosophy, I, 384-85; a fuller account of Ishra`qi`s
logic, according to Nicholas Rescher, is to be found in his extant but unpublished
(?) Kit«b al-Talwâh«t and Kit«b al-Lamah«t (cf. Development of Arabic
Logic, p. 185). It is to be noted that the earliest explanation of Ishra`qi`s
disagreement with Aristotle that logical definition is genus plus differentia,
in terms of modern (Bosanquets) logic, was given by Allama Iqbal in his
Development of Metaphysics in Persia, pp. 97-98.
For an expose
of Ibn Taimâyyahs logical masterpiece al-Radd alal-Mantâqâyin
(Refutation of the Logicians) cf. Serajul Haque, Ibn Taimi`yyah
in A History of Muslim Philosophy, II, 805-12; also Majid Fakhry, A
History of Islamic Philosophy (pp. 352-53) for a lucid summing up. A valuable
study of Ibn Taimi`yyahs logical ideas is that by Alâ S«mâ al-Nashsh«r
in Man«hij al-Bahth inda Mufakkiril-Isl«m wa Naqd al-Muslimân
lil-Mantiq al-Aristat«lâsâ, chapter III, sections ii and iii. Al-Nashsh«r
has also edited Suyëtâs Jahd al-Qarih«h fi tajrâd al-Nasâhah, an
abridgment of ibn Taimâyyahs Al-Radd alal-Mantiqiyân.
first figure, al-shakl al-awwal or al-qiyas al-k«mil of the Muslim
logicians, is a form of syllogism in which the middle term occurs as a subject
in the first premiss and as a predicate in the second premiss. It is the only
form of syllogism in which the conclusion becomes available in the form of a
general (universal - proposition needed for scientific purposes; cf. M. Saeed
Sheikh, A Dictionary of Muslim Philosophy, s.v.
As to the
criticism of the first figure referred to here, it is more rightly to be ascribed
to Fakhr al-Dân R«zâ, who, besides his own now available logical works, wrote
quite a few critical commentaries on the works of Ibn Sân«, rather than to the
eminent physician of Islam, Abë Bakr Zakarâya R«zâ, none of whose short treatises
on some parts of the Aristotelian Organon seems to have survived; cf.
Nicholas Rescher, The Development of Arabic Logic, pp. 117-18. Happily
this stands confirmed by Allama Iqbals Presidential comments (almost all
of which have been incorporated in the present passage) on Khwajah Kamals
Lecture (in Urdu) on Islam and Modern Sciences in the third session
of the All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference, 1911, in Delhi; see S.A.Vahid
(ed.), Maq«l«t-i Iqb«l, pp. 239-40; cf. also Allamas letter dated 1st
February 1924 to Sayyid Sulaim«n Nadvâ, Iqb«ln«mah, I, 127-28; reference
in both cases is to Fakhr al-Dân al-R«zâ and not to Abë Bakr R«zâ.
It is to
be noted that of all the writings of Allama Iqbal including his more than 1200
letters Abë Bakr R«zi`is mentioned only in Development of Metaphysics in
Persia: as a physician and as a thinker who admitted the eternity
of matter, space and time and possibly looked upon light as the first creation
(pp. 24, 96). In a significant passage on p. 96 of this work Allama has listed
about ten Muslim thinkers who were highly critical either of Greek philosophy
in general or Greek logic in particular Abë Bakr R«zâs name does
not appear in this list.
is Ibn Hazms Àudëd al-Mantiq referred to in his well-known Kit«b
al-Fisal (I, 4 and 20; V, 70 and 128) under somewhat varied titles; also
mentioned by his contemporary and compatriot Sa`id b. Ahmad al-Andalusâ
in his ñabaq«t al-Umam (p.118) and later listed by Brockelmann
in GAL; Supplementbä nde (I, 696). C. van Arendonk, however, in his article
on Ibn Hazm in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (II, 385) and I.
Goldziher, s.v. in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, VII, 71 have declared
that the work has not survived. And certainly very little was heard
of this work until Dr Ihsan Abba`s of the University of Khartoum discovered
possibly the only MS and published it under the title: al-ñaqrâb li-Àadd
al-Mantiq (The Approach to the Limits of Logic) in 1959. Allamas comments
on Ibn Àazms Scope of Logic (Hudëd al-Mantiq), at a
time when it was generally considered to have been lost is a proof of his extraordinary
knowledge of Muslim writers and their works.
Development of Metaphysics in Persia (1964), p. 64, where it is stated
that Al-Birënâand Ibn Haitham (d. 1038) . . . anticipated modern empirical
psychology in recognizing what is called reaction-time: in the two footnotes
to this statement Allama Iqb«l quotes from de Boers History of Philosophy
in Islam, pp. 146 and 150, to establish the positivism, i.e. sense-empiricism
respectively of both al-Birënâ and Ibn Haitham. On pp. 151-52 of this work is
a passage (possibly referred to by Allama Iqbal here) which describes reaction-time
very much in the modern sense: not only is every sensation attended by
a corresponding change localized in the sense-organ, which demands a certain
time, but also, between the stimulation of the organ and consciousness of the
perception an interval of time must elapse, corresponding to the transmission
of stimulus for some distance along the nerves.
As to al-Kindâs
discovery that sensation is proportionate to stimulus, cf. de Boer, op. cit.,
p. 101, where he speaks of the proportional relation existing between
stimulus and sensation in connection with al-Kindâs mathematized
theory of compound remedies. This is given in al-Kindâs celebrated treatise:
Ris«lah fi Marifah Quwwat-Adwâyat al-Murakkabah which was at least
twice translated into Latin (Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science,
II, 342 and 896).
Opus Majus, trans. Robert Belle Burke, Vol. II, Part V (pp. 419-82).
It is important to note that Sartons observation on Roger Bacons
work on optics is very close to that of Allama Iqbal. His optics,
says Sarton, was essentially based upon that of Ibn al-Haitham, with small
additions and practical applications (op. cit., II, 957). As reported
by Dr M. S. N«mës, Allama Iqbal helped him in understanding the rotographs of
the only MS (No. 2460 in Bibliothé que Nationale, Paris) of Ibn Haithams
T«hrâr al-Man«zir for a number of days; cf. Ibn al-Haitham: Proceedings
of the Celebrations of 1000th Anniversary (held in November 1969 under the
auspices of Hamdard National Foundation Pakistan, Karachi), p. 128.
Professor A. I. Sabras scholarly article: Ibn al-Haytham in
Dictionary of Scientific Biography, VI, 189-210, especially p. 205 where
he gives an up-to-date information about the MSS of Ibn Haithams Kit«b
al-Man«zir. According to Professor Sabra, The reference in Brockelmann
to a recension of this work in the Paris MS, ar. 2460 (Brockelmann has 2640)
is mistaken; the MS is a recension of Euclids Optics which is attributed
on the title page to Hasan ibn (Mës«ibn) Sh«kir.
Hazm here is a palpable misprint for ibn Haitham - the context
of the passage more fittingly demands and latter rather than the former name.
Ibn Hazms influence on Roger Bacons Opus Majus, a predominantly
science-oriented work, looks somewhat odd. There seems to be no evidence of
it in the text of Opus Majus - Ibn Hazm is not even so much as mentioned
by name in this work. Sarton, despite his great praise for Ibn Hazms scholarship
(op. cit. I, 713), nowhere hints at his contributions to science
or his influence of Roger Bacon, nor is this to be found in other standard works,
for example, in the sixteen-volume Dictionary of Scientific Biography.
ñësâs discussion of the parallel postulate (also named axiom of
parallelism), see his Al-Ris«lat al-Sh«fâyan an al-Shakk
fil-Khutët al-Mutaw«zâyah in (ñësâs) Ras«il,
Vol. II, Pt. viii, pp. 1-40. Commenting on this work Sarton observes (op.
cit., II, 1003): NaÄâr al-Dâns discussion was remarkably elaborate.
Cf. also Cajori, A History of Elementary Mathematics, p. 127, Q. À«fiz
ñauq«`n, Tur«th al-Arab al-Ilmâ, pp. 97-98, R. Bonola, Non-Euclidean
Geometry, pp. 12-13 and 37-38 and Dr S. H. Nasrs article: Al-ñësâ
in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, XIII, 508-14 especially p. 510.
passage may be read in conjunction with Allama Iqbals observation on ñësâ
in his Sectional Presidential Address (delivered at the Fifth Oriental Conference,
Lahore, on 20 November 1928): A Plea for the Deeper Study of Muslim Scientists:
It is Tusis effort to improve the parallel postulate of Euclid that
is believed to have furnished a basis in Europe for the problem of space which
eventually led to the theories of Gauss and Riemann (Speeches, Writings
and Statements of Iqbal, p. 138). Euclids parallel postulate is Postulate
V of the first book of his Elements. What it means to say is that through
a given point P there can be only one straight line L
parallel to a given straight line. It is to be noted that to Euclids successors
this postulate had signally failed to appear self-evident, and had equally failed
to appear indemonstrable - hence, Allama Iqbals generalized statement
that since the days of Ptolemy (87-165 A.D.) till the time of NaÄâr ñësâ
nobody gave serious thought to the postulate. Deeper and wider implication
of the postulate, however, cannot be denied. The innumerable attempts
to prove this fifth postulate on the one hand and the development of the non-Euclidean
geometries on the other are as many tributes to Euclids wisdom,
says Sarton (op. cit., I, 153). A long note on the postulate by Spengler
- well versed in mathematics - in his Decline of the West, 1, 176, admirably
brings out its deep philosophical import.
geometries were developed in the nineteenth century by certain European mathematicians:
Gauss (1777-1855) in Germany, Lobachevski (1792-1856) in Russia, Bolyai (1802-1860)
in Hungary and Riemann (1826-1866) in Germany. They abandoned the attempt to
prove Euclids parallel postulate for they discovered that Euclids
postulates of geometry were not the only possible postulates and that other
sets of postulates could be formulated arbitrarily and self-consistent geometries
based on them. They further discovered that the space assumed in Euclidean geometry
is only a special case of a more general type. These non-Euclidean geometries
assumed immense scientific significance when it was found that the space-time
continuum required by Einsteins theory of gravitation is non-Euclidean.
short is the movement of the idea of parallel postulate from Euclid to Einstein.
Allama Iqbal with his seer-like vision for ideas was very much perceptive of
this movement and also of the scientific and philosophical significance
of the non-Euclidean geometries. It is to be noted that Allamas keenly
perceptive mind took full notice of the scientific developments of his days,
for example, of anti-mechanistic biologism (neo-vitalism) of Hans Driesch and
J. S. Haldane and of quantum theory as well as of relativity-physics especially
as expounded by Eddington, Louis Rougier, Lord Haldane, Wildon Carr and other
philosopher-scientists. Among other things, one may notice a score of books
on the Philosophy of Contemporary Science, more than half of which are
on relativity-physics (mostly published between 1920 and 1928) in his personal
library alone. See M. Siddiq, Descriptive Catalogue of Allama Iqbals
Personal Library, pp. 4-7 and 71-76, as well as Plates Nos. 22 and 23 giving
the facsimiles of Allamas signatures dated July 1921 and September 1921
on his own copies of Einsteins work: Relativity: The Special and the
General Theory: A Popular Exposition (1920) and Edwin E. Slossons
Easy Lessons in Einstein (1920); cf. also Dr Ahmad Nabi Khan, Relics
of Allama Iqbal (Catalogue), books listed at IV. 41 and IV. 46. The first
book The Mystery of Space by Robert T. Browne by its very sub-title:
A Study of the Hyperspace Movement in the Light of the Evolution of New
Psychic Faculties and an Inquiry into the Genesis and Essential Nature of Space
suggests that it was probably this book which was foremost in Allamas
mind when he spoke of highly mathematical notion of hyperspace movement
in connection with Tusis effort to improve the parallel postulate here
as well as in his Plea for Deeper Study (Speeches, Writings and
Statements of Iqbal, p. 141). Allamas keen interest in higher mathematics
is evinced by his references in the present rather compact discussion on Newtons
interpolation formula, recent developments in European mathematics and Whiteheads
view of relativity as distinguished from that of Einstein. For the development
of Allamas interest in certain mathematical key-concepts and in sciences
in general see M. Saeed Sheikh, Allama Iqbals interest in the Sciences,
Iqbal Review, XXX/i (April-June, 1989), 31-43.
a fairy long passage from Spenglers Decline of the West (I, 75)
quoted in Allamas Address: A Plea for Deeper Study of the Muslim
Scientists and an account of the way he went into the authentication of
al-Bârënâs view of mathematical function (Speeches, Writings and Statements
of Iqbal, pp. 135-36). Allamas interest in mathematical idea
of function seems to be two-fold: religio-philosophical and scientific.
The function-idea, he says, turns the fixed into the variable, and sees
the universe not as being but as becoming. This is in full accord with
the Quranic view of the universe which God has built with power and it is He
Who is steadily expanding it (cf. M. Asad, The Message of the Qur«n,
p. 805, note 31) and again He adds to his creation whatever He wills:
for verily, God has the power to will anything (35:1). The Quranic view
of the growing universe is thus a clear departure from the Aristotelian
view of the fixed universe. Aristotles doctrine of potentiality passing
into actuality fails to resolve the mystery of becoming, in its living historicity
and novelty or, as W. D. Ross has put it: The conception of potentiality
has often been used to cover mere barrenness of thought (cf. his Aristotle,
p. 176). Hence, Allamas repeated pronouncement, that the spirit of the
Qur«n is essentially anti-classical. Philosophically speaking, time, which
in the present context has been linked up with the notion of functionality and
rightly so, is the most indispensable condition for the very possibility and
reality of human experience, cognitive or moral. This explains, partly at least,
why Time is the recurring theme in Allamas works in both prose
function is a relationship of correspondence between two variables called independent
variable and dependent variable and is expressed by saying y is a function
of x which means y change with x , so that for a certain value of x, y
has a certain value (or values). In Europe though the term function
in its full mathematical sense was first used by Leibniz in 1694, the theory
of functions had already emerged with the analytic geometry of Pierce Fermat
in 1629 and that of the father of modern philosophy Ré ne Descartes - Descartes
La Geometrie appeared along with his better known Discours de la mé
thode in 1637. After that such rapid advances took place in mathematics
that within, say, fifty years it was completely metamorphosed into its modern
form or, as Spengler puts it: Once this immense creation found wings,
its rise was miraculous. Being well versed in mathematics, Spengler gives
an exciting account of the new discoveries of the Western mathematicians and
their impact of European science and arts (op. cit., I, 74-90). Two of
his statements are to be noted. Not until the theory of functions was fully
evolved, says Spengler, could this mathematics be unreservedly brought
to bear in the parallel sphere of our dynamic Western physics. Generally
speaking, this means that Nature speaks the subtle and complex language of mathematics
and that without the use of this language the breath-taking progress of science
in the West, since the seventeenth century, would have been a sheer impossibility.
Spengler, however, did not care to know that the mathematical idea of function
originated, not in the West, but in the East, more particularly with the most
brilliant al-Bârënâs Al-Qnën al Masëdâ in 1030, i.e. six hundred
years before Fermat and Descartes.
statement to be noted is that, according to Spengler, The history of Western
knowledge is thus one of progressive emancipation from classical thought
(ibid, p. 76). As it is, Allama Iqbal has the least quarrel with Spengler
on the truth of this statement for he says: The most remarkable phenomenon
of modern history, however, is the enormous rapidity with which the world of
Islam is spiritually moving towards the West. There is nothing wrong in this
movement, for European culture, on its intellectual side, is only a further
development of some of the most important phases of the culture of Islam
(Lecture I, p. 6: italics mine). And further, Spenglers view of
the spirit of modern culture is, in my opinion, perfectly correct (p.
114). What Allama Iqbal, however, rightly insists is that the anticlassical
spirit of the modern world has really arisen out of the revolt of Islam against
Greek thought (ibid). This revolt consists in Islams focusing
its vision on the concrete, the particular and the
becoming as against the Greeks search for the ideal the
universal and the being. Spengler failed to see these Islamic
ingredients of modern culture because of his self-evolved thesis that
each culture is a specific organism, having no point of contact with cultures
that historically precede or follow it. Spenglers thesis has its
roots, not in any scientifically established dynamics of history, but in his
uncompromising theory of cultural holism (note the sub-title of the first volume
of his work: Gestalt und Wirklichkeit). Cf. W. H. Drays article,
Spengler, Oswald, in Encyclopedia of Philosophy, VII, 527-30
for critical evaluation of Spenglers philosophical position.
M. A. Kazim, al-Bârënâ and Trignometry, al-Bârënâ Commemoration
Volume, esp. pp. 167-68, for the English translation of the passage from al-Bârënâs
al-Q«nën al-Masëdâ wherein al-Bârënâ generalizes his interpolation
formula from trignometrical function to any function whatever. This
is likely the passage pointedly referred to by Allama Iqbal in his A Plea
for Deeper Study of the Muslim Scientists (Speeches, Writings and Statements
of Iqbal, p. 136). See, however, Professor E. S. Kennedys highly commendable
article on al-Bârënâ in Dictionary of Scientific Biography,
II, 147-58. He bases al- Bârënâs theory of function on his Treatise
on Shadows already translated by him.
M. R. Siddiqi, Mathematics and Astronomy, A History of Muslim
Philosophy, ed. M. M. Sharif, II, 1280, and Juan Vernet, Mathematics,
Astronomy, Optics, The Legacy of Islam ed. Joseph Schacht and C.
E. Bosworth, pp. 466-68. According to Sarton, al-Khaw«rizmâ may be called one
of the founders of analysis or algebra as distinct from geometry and that
his astronomical and trignometric tables were the first Muslim tables which
contained, not simply the sine function, but also the tangent (op.
cit., I, 563).
Al-Fauz al-Asghar, pp. 78-83; also Development of Metaphysics in Persia,
p. 29 where an account of Ibn Maskawaihs theory of evolution is given
as summed up by Shiblâ Num«ni in his Ilm al-Kal«m, pp. 141-43.
is a reference to the views of Khw«jah Muhammad P«rs«as contained in his short
but valuable tractate on time and space: Ris«lah dar Zam«n-o-Mak«n, the
only extant MS (6 folios) of which, perhaps, is the one listed by A. Monzavi
in his Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts, Vol II, Part I, p. 800. I am
greatly indebted to Q«zâ Mahmëd ul Haq of British Library, London, for the microfilm
of this MS. This resulted as a preliminary in the publication of Urdu translation
of Khw«jah Muhammad P«rs«s Ris«lah dar Zam«n-o-Mak«n along with
a brief account of his life and works by Dr Khw«ja Hamâd Yazd«nâ in Al-Ma«rif
(Lahore), XVII/vii, July 1984), 31-42, 56. Cf. Nadhr S«birâ, Gh«yat al-Imk«n
fi Marifat al-Zam«n by Shaikh Mahmëd Ashnawâ, Introduction,
p. r where it is alleged that Khw«jah P«rs«made an extensive use
of Ashnawâs said tractate on space and time, which is not very unlikely
seeing the close resemblance between the two tractates; yet at places Khw«jah
P«rs«s treatment of the subject is sufistically more sophisticated.
Lecture II, pp. 60-61.
as weight in previous editions; see also the significant Quranic
text repeated in verse 34:3.
Gh«yat al-Imk«n fi Dirayat al-Mak«n, ed. Rahâm Farmanâsh, pp. 16-17;
English trans. A. H. Kamali, p. 13. On the authorship of this sufistic tractate
on space and time, see note 34 in Lecture III.
p. 17; English trans., p. 13.
p. 23; English trans., p. 17.
pp. 24-25; English trans., pp. 18-19.
p. 25; English trans., p. 19.
p. 17; English trans., pp. 20-21.
pp. 27-28; English trans., p. 21.
pp. 28-29; English trans., pp. 21-22.
Space, Time and Deity, II, 41; also R. Metz, A Hundred Years of British
Philosophy, pp. 634-38, and article S. Alexander in The Dictionary
of Philosophy, ed. D. D. Runes, wherein it is made clear that the term deity
is not used by Alexander in any theological sense but in terms of his doctrine
of emergent evolution: The quality next above any given level (of evolution)
is deity to the beings on that level.
metaphor that time is mind of space is to be found in statements such as this:
It is that Time as a whole and in its parts bears to space as a whole
and its corresponding parts a relation analogous to the relation of mind . .
. or to put the matter shortly that Time is the mind of Space and Space the
body of Time (Space, Time and Deity, II, 38). Allama Iqbals
references to Alexanders Space, Time and Deity, in the sufistic
account of space and time in the present Lecture as also in his address earlier:
A Plea for Deeper Study of Muslim Scientists (Speeches, Writings
and Statements, p. 142) coupled with his commendatory observations on Alexanders
work in his letter dated 24 January 1921 addressed to R. A. Nicholson (Letters
of Iqbal, p. 141) are suggestive of Allamas keen interest in the metaphysical
views of Alexander.
Of all the
British philosophers, contemporaries of Allama Iqbal, Alexander can be singled
out for laying equal emphasis on space and time as central to all philosophy.
All the vital problems of philosophy, says Alexander, depend
for their solution on the solution of the problem what Space and Time are and,
more particularly, in how they are related to each other. According to
Allama Iqbal, In [Muslim] . . . culture the problem of space and time
becomes a question of life and death (p. 105). Space and Time in
Muslim Thought was the subject selected by Allama for his proposed Rhodes
Memorial Lectures at Oxford (1934-1935) (cf. Letters of Iqbal, pp.135-36
and 183; also Relics of Allama Iqbal: Catalogue, Letter II, 70 dated
27 May 1935 from Secretary, Rhodes Trust) which very unfortunately he could
not deliver owing to his increasing ill health. A letter dated 6 May 1937 addressed
to Dr Syed Zafarul Hasan of Aligarh Muslim University (author of the well-known
Realism, 1928), discovered only recently, shows that Allama Iqbal had
already gathered material for his Rhodes Memorial Lectures; cf.
Rafâal-Dân Ha`shimi`, Allamah Iqbal ke Chand Ghair Mudawwan KhuÇëÇ,
Iqbal Review, XXIII/iv (January 1983), 41-43.
may be called here also to an obviously unfinished two-page draft on The
Problem of Time in Muslim Philosophy in Allamas own hand preserved
in the Allama Iqbal Museum, Lahore; cf. Dr Ahmad Nabi Khan, Relics of Allama
Iqbal: Catalogue, I, 37.
Gh«yat al-Imk«n fi Dir«yat al-Mak«n, pp. 16-17; English trans., p. 13.
p. 50; English trans., p. 36.
is a reference to the Quranic verses: 6:6; 9:39; 17:16-17; 18:59; 21:11; 22:45;
judgment on nations, also called judgment in history, according
to the Qur«n is said to be more relentless than Gods judgment on
individuals - in the latter case God is forgiving and compassionate. Nations
are destroyed only for their transgression and evil doings. And when a nation
perishes, its good members meet the same doom as its bad ones for the former
failed to check the spread of evil (11:116), cf. F. Rahman, Major Themes
of the Qur«n, p. 53.
also Quranic verses 15:5 and 24:43.
very special circumstances under which a keen sense of history grew in Islam,
see I. H. Qureshi, Historiography, A History of Muslim Philosophy,
Abdullah Muhammad b. Ish«q (d. c. 150/767) has the distinction of being
the first biographer of the Holy Prophet. His work Kit«b Sirat Rasël All«h
(The Life of the Apostle of God) has, however, been lost and is
now known only through Ibn Hish«ms recension of it.
Jafar Muhammad b. Jarâr al-ñabarâ is one of the greatest Muslim historians.
His remarkably accurate monumental history Kit«b Akhb«r al-Rusël wal-Mulëk
(Annals of the Apostles and the Kings), the first comprehensive
work in the Arabic language, has been edited M. J. de Goeje and others in 15
volumes (Leiden, 1879-1901). Al-Tabarâ is equally well known for his commendable
commentary on the Qur«n: J«mi al-Bay«n an T«wâl al-Qur«n
in 30 volumes - a primal work for the later commentators because of its earliest
and largest collection of the exegetical traditions.
Ali b. al-Husain b. Alâ al-Masëdi (d. c. 346/957), after al-Tabari`,
is the next greatest historian in Islam - rightly named as the Herodotus
of the Arabs. He inaugurated a new method in the writing of history: instead
of grouping events around years (annalistic method) he grouped them around kings,
dynasties and topics (topical method); a method adopted also by Ibn Khaldu`n.
His historico-geographical work Murëj al-Dhahab wal-Ma«din al-Jauhar
(Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems) also deals with Persian, Roman
and Jewish history and religion.
is to the Quranic verses 4:1; 6:98; 7:189; 39:6.
Robert Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, p. 86. Flints
eulogy of Ibn Khaldën, expressive of his sentiment of a discovery of a genius,
now stands more or less confirmed by the realistic assessments made of Ibn Khaldën
by eminent scholars such as A. Toynbee, A Study of History, III, 322;
Sarton, op. cit., III, 1262; Gaston Bouthoul in his Preface to de Slanes
Les Prolegomenes dIbn Khaldoun (second edition, Paris, 1934-38)
and R. Brunschvig, La Berberie orientale sous les Hafsides, II, 391.
Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, III, 246-58, also M. Fakhry, A History
of Islamic Philosophy, pp. 361-64.
of the alternation of day and night is spoken of in many verses of the Qur«n
such as 2:164; 3:190; 10:6; 23:80; 45:5.
53. On the
notion of time as held by Zeno, Plato, Heraclitus and Stoics, cf. A. J. Gunn,
The Problem of Time, pp. 19-22.
O. Spengler, The Decline of the West, II, 189-323.
Lecture I, p. 3, Lecture III, p. 56 and p. 102.
Spengler, op. cit., II, 248-55.
pp. 235, 240; cf. also note 33 in Lecture IV.
Muqaddimah, Chapter III, section 51: The Fatimid . . . ,
trans. Rosenthal, II, 156-200. Ibn Khaldu`n recounts formally twenty-four traditions
bearing upon the belief in Mahdi (none of which is from Bukh«râ or Muslim) and
questions the authenticity of them all. Cf. also the article al-Mahdi`
in Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam and P. K. Hitti, History of the
Arabs, pp. 439-49, for the religio-political background of the imam-mahdi
may also be made to Allama Iqbals letter dated 7 April 1932 to Muhammad
Ahsan wherein, among other things, he states that, according to his firm belief
(aqâdah), all traditions relating to mahdâ, masâhâyat
and mujaddidâyat are the product of Persian and non-Arab imagination;
and he adds that certainly they have nothing to do with the true spirit of the
Qur«n (Iqb«ln«mah, II, 231).
it shall be rewarding to read this last paragraph in conjunction with Allamas
important notes on the back cover of his own copy of Spenglers Decline
of the West, facsimile of which is reproduced in Descriptive Catalogue
of Allama Iqbals Personal Library, Plate No. 33.
VI: THE PRINCIPLE OF MOVEMENT IN THE STRUCTURE OF ISLAM
1. The Qur«n
maintains the divine origin of man by affirming that God breathed of His own
spirit unto him as in verses 15:29; 32:9; and 38:72.
the Great was Roman Emperor from 306 to 337. He was converted to Christianity,
it is said, by seeing a luminous cross in the sky. By his celebrated Edict of
Toleration in 313 he raised Christianity to equality with the public pagan cults
in the Empire. For his attempt at the unification of Christianity, cf. Will
Durant, Caesar and Christ, pp. 655-61, and The Cambridge Medieval
History, vol.1, chapter i.
Claudius Julianus (331-363), nephew of Constantine, traditionally known as Julian
the Apostate, ruled the Roman Empire from 361 to 363. Studying in Athens in
355, he frequented pagan Neoplatonist circles. As emperor, he at once proclaimed
himself a pagan, restored freedom of worship for pagans and began a campaign
against the orthodox church. Cf. Alice Gardner, Julian and the Last Struggle
of Paganism against Christianity, and Will Durant, The Age of Faith,
4. See J.
H. Denison, Emotion as the Basis of Civilization, pp. 267-68.
5. The principle
of Divine Unity as embodied in the Quranic proclamation: l«il«ha illa-All«h:
there is no God except All«h. It is a constant theme of the Qur«n and
is repeatedly mentioned as the basic principle not only of Islam but of every
religion revealed by God.
is to the Quranic verse 29:69. During the course of his conversation with one
of his admirers, Allama Iqbal is reported to have made the following general
observation with reference to this verse: All efforts in the pursuit of
sciences and for attainment of perfections and high goals in life which in one
way or other are beneficial to humanity are mans exerting in the way of
Allah (Malfëz«t-i Iqb«l, ed. and annotated Dr Abël-Laith Siddâqâ,
this verse thus: But as for those who strive hard in Our cause - We shall
most certainly guide them onto paths that lead unto us, Muhammad Asad
adds in a footnote that the plural used here is obviously meant to stress
the fact - alluded to often in the Qur«n - that there are many paths which
lead to a cognizance (marifah) of God (The Message of
the Qur«n, p. 616, note 61).
7. Cf. Abë
D«wëd, Aqdâya: 11; Tirmidhâ, AÁk«m: 3, and D«rimâ, Kit«b al-Sunan,
I, 60; this hadâth is generally regarded as the very basis of Ijtih«d
in Islam. On the view expressed by certain scholars that this hadâth
is to be ranked as al-mursal, cf. Abd al-Q«dir, Nazarah, ÿ mmah
fi T«rikh al-Fiqh al-Isl«mâ, I, 70 and 210, and Sayyid Muhammad Yësuf Binorâas
quoted by Dr Kh«lid Masëd, Khutub«t-i Iqb«l men Ijtih«d ki Tarâf:
Ijtih«d k« T«râkhâ Pas-i Manzar, Fikr-o-Nazar, XV/vii-viii
(Islamabad, Jan-Feb. 1978), 50-51. See also Ahmad Hasan (tr.), Sunan Abë
D«wëd, III, 109, note 3034 based on Shams al-Haqq, Aun al-Mabëd
li-hall-i Mushkil«t Sunan Abë D«wëd, III, 331.
three degrees of legislation in the language of the later jurists of Islam are:
ijtih«d fil-shar, ijtih«d fil-madhhab and ijtih«d
fil-mas«il; cf. Subhâ Mahmas«nâ, Falsafat al-Tashrâ
fil-Islam, English trans. F. J. Ziadeh, p. 94, and N. P. Aghnides,
Mohammeden Theories of Finance, pp. 121-22. For somewhat different schemes
of gradation of the jurists (for example the one laid down by the Ottomon scholar
and Shaikh al-Isla`m Kem«l P«shaza`deh (d. 940/1534) in his (Tabaq«t al-Fuqah«)
and minor differences in nomenclature in different schools of law (Hanafis,
Sh«fââs and others), cf. Z«hid al-Kautharâ, Husn al-Taq«dâfâ
Sârat al-Im«m abâYësuf al-Q«îâ, pp. 24-25.
It is the
possibilities anew of the first degree of Ijtih«d - complete authority
in legislation - that Allama Iqbal proposes to consider in what he calls (and
this is to be noted) this paper rather than this lecture
as everywhere else in the present work. This is a manifest reference to a paper
on Ijtih«d that he read on 13 December 1924 at the annual session
of Anjuman-i Him«yat-i Isl«m. Cf. M. Khalid Masëd, Iqbals
Lecture on Ijtih«d, Iqbal Review, XIX/iii (October 1978), p. 8,
quoting in English the announcement about this Lecture published in the Daily
Zamând«r Lahore, 12 December 1924; and also S. M. Ikram, Modern Muslim
India and the Birth of Pakistan, p. 183, note 19 where the worthy author
tells us that he was present at this meeting as a young student.
Iqbals letters discovered only recently are the four of them addressed
to Professor M. Muhammad Shafi of University Oriental College, Lahore
(later Chairman: Urdu Encyclopaedia of Islam). These letters dating from
13 March 1924 to 1 May 1924, reproduced with their facsimiles in Dr Rana M.
N. Ehsan Elahie, Iqbal on the Freedom of Ijtiha`d, Oriental College
Magazine (Allama Iqbal Centenary Number), LIII (1977), 295-300, throw light,
among other things, on the authors and movements that Allama Iqbal thought it
was necessary for him to study anew for the writing of what he calls in one
of these letters a paper on the freedom of Ijtih«d in Modern Islam.
A few months later when the courts were closed for summer vacation Allama Iqbal
in his letter dated 13 August 1924 to M. Saâd al-Dân Jafarâ informed
him that he was writing an elaborate paper on The Idea of Ijtih«d,
in the Law of Islam (cf. Aur«q-i Gumgashtah, ed. Rahâm Bakhsh Shaheen,
p. 118). This is the paper which when finally written was read in the above-mentioned
session of the Anjuman-i Àim«yat-i Isl«m in December 1924; the present Lecture,
it is now generally believed, is a revised and enlarged form of this very paper.
9. Cf. M.
Hanâf Nadvâ, Masalah Khalq-i Qur«n in Aqliy«t-i
Ibn Taimâyyah (Urdu), pp. 231-53, and A. J. Arberry, Revelation and Reason
in Islam, pp. 23-27.
to this hotly debated issue of the eternity or createdness of the Qur«n
are also to be found in Allama Iqbals private notes, for example those
on the back cover of his own copy of Spenglers Decline of the West
(cf. Descriptive Catalogue of Allama Iqbals Personal Library, Plate
No. 33) or his highly valuable one-page private study notes preserved in Allama
Iqbal Museum, Lahore (cf. Relics of Allama Iqbal: Catalogue, I, 26).
It is, however, in one of his greatest poems Iblâs ki Majlis-i Shër« (Satans
Parliament) included in the posthumous Armugh«n-i Hij«z that one
is to find his final verdict on this baseless scholastic controversy:
words of the Qur«n created or uncreated?
belief does lie the salvation of the ummah?
idols of L«t and Man«t chiselled by Muslim theology
for the Muslims of today?
Ibn Qutaibah, Tawâ l Mukhtalif al-Àadâth, p.19.
Development of Metaphysics in Persia, p. 54, where it is stated that
rationalism tended to disintegrate the solidarity of the Islamic Church;
also W. M. Watt, The Political Attitudes of the Mutazilah,
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1962), pp. 38-54.
Muhammad al-Khudari, T«râkh al-Tashrâ al-Isl«mâ, Urdu trans. Abd
al-Sal«m Nadvâ, p. 323; Ibn Qutaibah, Ma«rif, p. 217, and J. Schacht,
The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, p. 242. According to A. J. Arberry,
Sufy«n al-Thaurâs school of jurisprudence survive for about two centuries;
cf. Muslim Saints and Mystics, p. 129 translators prefatory remarks.
13. On the
distinction of z«hir and b«tin, see Allama Iqbals article
Ilm-i Za`hir wa Ilm-i Ba`tin (Anw«r-i Iqb«l, ed. B. A. Dar,
pp. 268-77) and also the following passage from Allama Iqbals article
captioned as Self in the Light of Relativity (Thoughts and Reflections
of Iqbal, ed. S. A. Vahid, pp. 113-14): The mystic method has attracted
some of the best minds in the history of mankind. Probably there is something
in it. But I am inclined to think that it is detrimental to some of the equally
important interests of life, and is prompted by a desire to escape from the
arduous task of the conquest of matter through intellect. The surest way to
realise the potentialities of the world is to associate with its shifting actualities.
I believe that Empirical Science - association with the visible - is an indispensable
stage in the life of contemplation. In the words of the Qur«n, the Universe
that confronts us is not ba`til. It has its uses, and the most important use
of it is that the effort to overcome the obstruction offered by it sharpens
our insight and prepared us for an insertion into what lies below the surface
founder of Z«hirâ school of law was D«wëd b. Alâb. Khalaf (c. 200-270/c.
815-884) who flourished in Baghdad; Ibn Haïm (384-456/994-1064) was its founder
in Muslim Spain and its most illustrious representative in Islam. According
to Goldziher, Ibn Hazm was the first to apply the principles of the Z«hirite
school to dogmatics (The Z«hiris: Their Doctrine and Their History, p.
112); cf. also Goldzihers articles: D«wëd B. Alâ B. Khalf
and Ibn Hazm in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, V,
406 b and VII, 71 a.
Serajul Haque, Ibn Taimiyyas Conception of Analogy and Consensus,
Islamic Culture, XVII (1943), 77-78; Ahmad Hasan, The Doctrine of
Ijm« in Islam, pp. 189-92, and H. Laoust, Ibn Taymiyya,
Encyclopaedia of Islam (New edition), III, 954.
D.B. Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology, p. 275.
Husn al-Mëh«darah 1, 183; also Abd Muta«l al-Saidâ,
Al-Mujaddidën fil-Isl«m, pp. 8-12. Cf. also Allama Iqbals Rejoinder
to The Light (Speeches, Writings and Statements of Iqbal, pp. 167-68)
wherein, commenting on the tradition that mujaddids appear at the head of every
century (Abë Dawëd, Mal«him: 1), he observed that the tradition was
probably popularised by Jal«lud-Dân Suyëti in his own interest and much importance
cannot be attached to it.
may also be made here to Allamas letter dated 7 April 1932 addressed to
Muhammad Ahsan wherein, among other things, he observes that, according to his
firm belief (aqâdh), all traditions relating to mujaddidiyat
are the product of Persian and non-Arab imagination and they certainly are foreign
to the true spirit of the Qur«n (cf. Iqb«ln«mah, II, 231).
Allama Iqbals statements issued from time to time in clarification on
meanings and intentions of pan-Islamic movement or pan-Islamism see: Letters
and Writings of Iqbal, pp. 55-57; Speeches, Writings and Statements of
Iqbal, p. 237; Guft«r-i Iqb«l, ed. M. Rafâq Afîal, pp. 177-79 and
226 - the earliest of these statements is contained in Allamas letter
dated 22 August 1910 to Editor: Paisa Akhb«r reproduced in Riaz Hussain,
1910 men Duny«-i Isl«m kü H«l«t (Political Conditions of the Islamic
World in 1910), Iqbal Review, XIX/ii (July 1978), 88-90.
of these statements Allama Iqbal has approvingly referred to Professor E. G.
Brownes well-grounded views on Pan-Islamism, the earliest
of which were published (s.v.) in Lectures on the History of the Nineteenth
Century, ed. F. Kirpatrick (Cambridge, 1904).
It may be
added that Allamas article Political Thought in Islam, Sociological
Review, I (1908), 249-61 (reproduced in Speeches, Writings and Statements,
pp. 107-21), was originally a lecture delivered by him in a meeting of the Pan-Islamic
Society, London, founded by Abdullah Suhrawardy in 1903 - the Society also had
its own journal: Pan-Islam. Incidentally, there is a mention of Allamas
six lectures on Islamic subjects in London by his biographers (cf. Abdullah
Anwar Beg, The Poet of the East, p. 28, and Dr Abdus Sal«m Khurshâd,
Sargudhasht-i Iqb«l, pp. 60-61) which is supported by Allamas letter
dated 10 February 1908 to Khwa`jah Hasan Niz«mâ, listing the topics
of four of these lectures as (i) Islamic Mysticism, (ii) Influence
of Muslim Thought on European Civilization, (iii) Muslim Democracy,
and (iv) Islam and Reason (cf. Iqb«ln«mah, II, 358). Abdullah
Anwar Beg, however, speaks of Allamas extempore lecture on Certain
Aspects of Islam under the auspices of the Pan-Islamic Society, which,
it is said, was reported verbatim in a number of leading newspapers the next
b. Abd al-Wahh«bs date of birth is now more generally given as 1115/1703;
cf., however, Khair al-Dân al-Zikriklâ, Al-Al«m, VII, 138 (note)
and A History of Muslim Philosophy, ed. M. M. Sharif, II, 1446, in support
of placing it in 1111/1700.
It is significant
to note that whenever Allama Iqbal thought of modernist movements in Islam,
he traced them back to the movement of Muhammad b. Abd al-Wahh«b cf. Letters
and Writings of Iqbal, pp. 82 and 93. In his valuable article Islam
and Ahmadism Allama Iqbal observes: Syed Ahmad Khan in India, Syed
Jamal-ud-Din Afghani in Afghanistan and Mufti Alam Jan in Russia. These men
were probably inspired by Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahab who was born in Nejd in 1700,
the founder of the so-called Wahabi movement which may fitly be described as
the first throb of life in modern Islam (Speeches, Writings and Statements,
p. 190). Again, in his letter dated 7 April 1932 to Muhammad Ahsan, Allama Iqbal,
explaining the pre-eminent position of Jam«l al-Dân Afgh«nâ in modern Islam,
wrote: The future historian of the Muslims of Egypt, Iran, Turkey and
India will first of all mention the name of Abd al-Wahh«b Najadi and then
of Jam«l al-Dân Afgh«nâ (cf. Iqb«ln«mah, II, 231).
article Ibn Tëmart in Encyclopaedia of Islam (New edition), III,
958-60, also in Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam and R. Le Tourneau, The
Almohad Movement in North Africa in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,
is a clear reference to the well-known saying of the Prophet: innamal-am«lu
binniyy«ti, i.e. Actions shall be judged only by intentions.
It is to be noted that this Áadâth of great moral and spiritual import
has been quoted by Bukh«râ in seven places and it is with this that he opens
his Al-J«mâ al-SaÁiÁ.
this Áadâth worded: al-arÁu kulluh«masjid-an, see Tirmidhâ,
Sal«t: 119; Nas«â, Ghusl: 26; Mas«jid: 3 and 42; Ibn M«jah,
Tah«rah: 90, and D«rimâ, Siyar: 28 and Sal«t: 111. This
superb saying of the Prophet also found expression in Allamas verse, viz.
Kulliy«t-i Iqb«l (F«risâ), Rumëz-i Bekhudâ, p. 114, v. 3, and
Pas Chih B«yad Kard, p. 817, v. 8:
the bounty of the ruler of our faith,
the entire earth became our mosque.
The King of the Faith said to the Muslims:
The whole earth is my mosque (trans. B. A. Dar).
The Muqaddimah, trans. F. Rosenthal, I, 388-92.
the Khawa`rijs view of the Caliphate, see Allama Iqbals article
Political Thought in Islam (Speeches, Writings and Statements
of Iqbal, pp. 119-20); also W. Thomson, Kharijitism and the Kharijites,
Macdonald Presentation Volume, pp. 371-89, and E. Tyan, Institutions
du droit public musulman, ii, 546-61.
F. A. Tansel (ed), Ziya Gö kalp kü lliyati i: Sü rler ve halk masallar,
p. 129. On Allamas translation of the passages from Ziya Gkalps
kulliyati, Dr Annemarie Schimmel observes: Iqbal did not know Turkish,
has studied his (Ziya Gö kalps) work through the German translation of
August Fischer, and it is of interest to see how he (Iqbal) sometimes changes
or omits some words of the translation when reproducing the verses in the Lecture
(Gabriels Wing, p. 242).
It may be
added that these changes of omissions are perhaps more due to August Fischers
German translation as given in his Aus der religiö sen Reformbewegung in
der Tü rkei (Religious Reform Movement in Turkey) than to Allama. The term
esri, for example, has been used by Ziya Gö kalp for secular
and not for modern as Fischer has put it. Again, a line from the
original Turkish text is missing in the present passage, but this is so in the
comparative study of the German and English translations of passages from Gö
kalps kü lliyati, I am very much indebted to Professor S. Qudratullah
Fatimi, formerly Director: Regional Cooperation for Development, Islamabad.
is a reference to the Quranic verse 49:13.
Ziya Gö kalp kü lliyati, p. 112. According to the Turkish original, the
second sentence in this passage should more fittingly have begun with in
this period rather than with in every period as rendered by
A. Fischer. Again the next, i.e. the third sentence, may be said to be not so
very close to the text; yet it is quite faithful to its German version.
ibid., p. 113; also Uriel Heyd, Foundation of Turkish Nationalism:
The Life and Teachings of Ziya Gö kalp, pp. 102-03, and Allama Iqbals
statement On the Introduction of Turkish Prayers by Ghazi Mustafa Kemal
Pasha published in the Weekly Light (Lahore), 16 February 1932,
reproduced in Rahim Bakhsh Shaheen (ed.), Memontos of Iqbal, pp. 59-60.
29. On Ibn
Tumarts innovation of introducing the call to prayer in the Berber language,
cf. Ibn Abâ Zar, Raud al-Qirt«s, Fr. trans. A. Beaumier, Histoire
des souverains du Magreb, p. 250; I. Goldziher, Materalien zur Kenntniss
der Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika, ZDMG, XLI (1887), 71, and
D. B. Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology, p. 249. This practice,
according to Ahmad b. Kh«lid al-Sal«wâ, was stopped and call to prayer in Arabic
restored by official orders in 621/1224; cf. his Al-Istiqs«li Akhb«r Duwal
al-Maghribl-Aqs«, II, 212.
Ziya Gö kalp kü lliyati, p. 133. The word sun in the second
sentence of this passage stands for Gunum in Turkish which, we are told, could
as well be translated as day; some allowance, however, is to be
made for translation of poetical symbols from one language into another.
ibid., p. 161. It is interesting to note how very close is late Professor
H. A. R. Gibbs translation of this passage as well as of the one preceding
it (Modern Trends in Islam, pp. 91-92), to that of Allamas even though
his first reference is to the French version of them in F. Ziyaeddin Fahris
Ziya Gö kalp: sa vie et sa sociologie, p. 240.
Bukh«râ, Itis«m: 26; Ilm: 39; Jan«iz:
32; Marad«: 17, and Muslim, Jan«iz: 23 and Wasâyyah:
22; see also last in Sahih Muslim, English translation by A. H. Siddiqi`,
III 870, note 2077.
further elucidation of Allamas observations on Luther and his movement
here as also in a passage in his Statement on Islam and Nationalism in
Reply to a Statement of Maulana Husain Ahmad (Speeches, Writings and
Statements of Iqbal, p. 254), see his most famous and historical All-India
Muslim League Presidential Address of 29 December 1930, ibid., pp. 4-5.
Cf. also the closing passages of the article: Reformation in An
Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Vergilius Ferm, p. 642.
Subhâ Mahmas«nâ, Falsafah-i Sharâat-i Isl«m, Urdu trans. M. Ahmad
Ridvâ, pp. 70-83.
acute observation about the development of legal reasoning in Islam from the
deductive to the inductive attitude in interpretation is further elaborated
by Allama Iqbal on pp. 140-41. It may be worthwhile to critically examine in
the light of this observation the attempts made by some of the well-known Western
writers on Islamic law to analytically trace the historical development of legal
theory and practice in early Islam, viz. N. J. Coulson, A History of Islamic
Law, chapters 3-5; J. Schacht, Introduction to Islamic Law, chapters
7-9 and his earlier pioneer work: Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence,
by General Index especially under Medinese and Iraqians.
is a reference to a passage in Lecture I, p. 7.
M. V. Merchant, A Book of Quranic Laws, chapters v-vii.
Briefe ü ber Religion, pp. 72 and 81. The passages translated here are
Urchristentum legte keinen Wert auf die Erhaltung von Staat Recht, Organisation,
Produktion. Es denkt einfach nicht ü ber die Bedingungen der Existenz der menschlichen
man wagt es, staatslos sein zu wollen, man wirft sich der Anarchie freiwillig
in die arme, oder man entschliesst sich, neben seinem religiö sen Bekenntnis
ein politisches Bekenntnis zu haben.
Naumann (1860-1919), a passage from whose very widely read Briefe ü ber Religion
(Letters on Religion) has been quoted above in Lecture III, pp.
64-65, was a German Protestant theologian, socialist politician, political journalist
and a champion of Mitteleuropa plan. He was one of the founders and the
first president of German National Socialist Party (1896) which both in its
name and in its policy of according great importance to the agricultural and
working classes in the development of the State adumbrated Hitlers Nazi
Party (1920). His Mitteleuropa published in 1915 (English translation by C.
M. Meredith in 1916) stirred up considerable discussion during World War I as
it revived, under the impulse of Pan-Germanism, the idea of a Central European
Confederation including Turkey and the Balkan States under Germanys cultural
and economic control. It also contemplated the expansion of the Berlin-Baghdad
railway into a grandiose scheme of empire extending from Antwerp in Belgium
to the Persian Gulf.
the year 1912-13, Naumann was the member of Reichstag (German Parliament) from
1907 to 1919. Shortly before his death, he was elected as the leader of Democratic
Party. Naumann known for his wide learning, acumen and personal integrity was
very influential with German liberal intellectuals of his day. For the life
and works of Naumann, cf. the two articles: Naumann, Friedrich and
National Socialism, German by Theodor Heuss in the Encyclopaedia
of Social Sciences, XI, 310 and 225a; also The New Encyclopaedia Britannica
(Micropaedia), VIII, 561. For some information given in the above note I am
deeply indebted to the Dutch scholar the Reverend Dr Jan Slomp and his younger
colleague Mr Harry Mintjes. Mr Mintjes took all the trouble to find out what
he said was the oldest available edition of Briefe ü ber Religion (Berlin,
Georg Reimer, 1916, sixth edition) by making a search for it in all the libraries
of Amsterdam. Dr Jan Slamp was kind enough to mark the passages in Briefe
quoted by Allama Iqbal in English and mail these to me for the benefit of all
The Introduction of Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act or Indian Act VIII of
1939. Cf. Maul«n« Ashraf Alâ Th«nawâ, Al-Hilat al-N«jizah lil-Halâlat
al-ÿjizah, p. 99 and A. A. A. Fyzee, Outlines of Muhammadan Law, pp.
Al-Muw«fiq«t, II, 4: also Ghaz«lâ, Al-Mustasf«, 1, 140.
al-Marghin«nâ, Al-Hid«yah, II, Kit«b al-Nik«h, p. 328; English
trans. The Hedaya or Guide by C. Hamilton, p. 66.
Speeches, Writings and Statements of Iqbal, p. 194, where, while making
an appraisal of Ataturks supposed or real innovations, Allama
Iqbal observes: The adoption of the Swiss code with its rule of inheritance
is certainly a serious error . . . . The joy of emancipation from the fetters
of a long-standing priest-craft sometimes derives a people to untried courses
of action. But Turkey as well as the rest of the world of Islam has yet to realize
the hitherto unrevealed economic aspects of the Islamic law of inheritance which
von Kremer describes as the supremely original branch of Muslim law. For
some recent accounts of the economic significance of the Quranic rule
of inheritance, cf. M. A. Mannan, Islamic Economics, pp. 176-86
and Shaikh Mahmud Ahmad, Economics of Islam, pp. 154-58.
has been named in the Qur«n as mâth«q-an ghalâz-an, i.e. a strong
M. V. Merchant, op. cit., pp. 179-86.
I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, English trans. C. R. Barber and
S. M. Stern, Muslim Studies, II, 18f. This is the view held also by some
other orientalists such as D. S. Margoliouth, The Early Development of Mohammedanism,
pp. 79-89, and H. Lammens, Islam: Beliefs and Institutions, pp. 65-81.
is the closing paragraph of chapter III of Mohammedan Theories of Finance:
With an Introduction to Mohammedan Law and a Bibliography by Nicolas P.
Aghnides published by Columbia University (New York) in 1916 as one of its Studies
in History, Economics and Public Law. A copy of this work as reported
by Dr M. Abdulla`h Chaghata`i was sent to Allama Iqbal by Chaudhry
Rahmat Ali`Kha`n (President: American Muslim Association) from the United
States and was presented to him on the conclusion of the thirty-eighth annual
session of Anjuman-i Àim«yat-i Isl«m (Lahore), i.e. on 31 March 1923 or soon
after. Dr Chaghat«âs essay: Khutuba`t-i Madra`s ka Pas-i Manzar
in his Iqb«l kâ Âuhbat Men and the section: Six Lectures on the
Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam with useful notes in Dr.
Rafâ al-Dân H«shimâs TaÄ«nâf-i Iqb«l k« TaÁqâqâ-o Tauîâhâ MuÇ«laah
throw light on the immediate impact that Aghnidess book had on Allamas
mind. It seems that Aghnidess book did interest Allama and did play some
part in urging him to seek and study some of the outstanding works on Usël
al-Fiqh such as those by ÿmidâ, Sh«Çibâ, Sh«h Walâ All«h, Shauk«nâ, and
others. This is evident from a number of Allamas letters to Sayyid Sulaim«n
Nadvâas also from his letters from 13 March 1924 to 1 May 1924 to Professor
Maulavâ M. Shafâ [Oriental College Magazine, LIII (1977), 295-300].
It is to be noted that besides a pointed reference to a highly provocative view
of Ijm« alluded to by Aghnides, three passages from part I of Mohammedan
Theories of Finance are included in the last section of the present Lecture,
which in this way may be said to be next only to the poems of Ziya Gö kalp exquisitely
translated from Fischers German version of them.
is remarkable though admittedly a summarized English version of the following
quite significant passage from Sh«h Walâ All«hs magnum opus Hujjat All«h
the passage quoted also in Shiblâ Nëm«nâs Al-Kal«m (pp. 114-15),
a pointed reference to which is made in Allama Iqbals letter dated 22
September 1929 addressed to Sayyid Sulaim«n Nadvâ. There are in fact three more
letters to Sayyid Sulaim«n Nadvâ in September 1929, which all show Allamas
keen interest in and preceptive study of Hujjat All«h al-B«lighah at the time
of his final drafting of the present Lecture (cf. Iqb«ln«mah, pp. 160-63).
study of these letters it appears that Allama Iqbal in his interpretation of
at least the above passage from Àujjat All«h al-B«ligah was much closer
to Shiblâ Nëm«nâ than to Sayyid Sulaimân Nadvâ.
It is to
be noted that Allama Iqbal was always keen to seek and study the works of Sha`h
WalâAll«h, whom he considered to be the first Muslim who felt the urge
of a new spirit in him (Lecture IV, p. 78). Some of these works have been
referred to by titles in Allamas more than 1200 letters and it is noteworthy
that their number exceeds that of the works of any other great Muslim thinker;
Ghazz«lâ, Fakhr al-Dân R«zâ, Jal«l al-Dân Rumâ, Ibn Taimiyyah, Ibn Qayyim; Sadr
al-Dân Shâr«zâ, or any other. In his letter dated 23 September 1936 to Maulavi
Ahmad Rid« Bijnàrâ, Allama reports that he had not received his copies of Sh«h
WalâAll«hs Al-Khair al-Kathâr and Tafhâm«t supposed to have
been dispatched to him through some dealer in Lahore. He also expresses in this
letter his keen desire to have the services on suitable terms of some competent
Muslim scholar, well-versed in Islamic jurisprudence and very well-read in the
works of Sh«h Walâ All«h.
Aghnides, op. cit., p. 91. This is the statement which, according to
Dr Abdullah Chaghat«â (op. cit., pp. 300-04) and Dr. Rafâ
al-Dân H«shimâ occasioned Allama Iqbals fiqhi discussions with a number
of renowned religious scholars which finally led to his writing a paper on Ijtih«d
in 1924; the present Lecture may be said to be only a developed form of that
paper. On the impossible question of Ijm«s repealing the Qur«n one
is to note Allamas two inquiring letters to Sayyid Sulaim«n Nadvâ and
more importantly a letter also to Maul«n« Abul Kal«m Az«d (Iqb«ln«mah,
Ihk«m fi Usël al-Ahk«m, 1, 373.
Irsh«d al-Fuhël, pp. 65-72.
are the last two sërahs of the Qur«n, i.e. 113 and 114; they are
called so because they teach man how to seek refuge with God and betake himself
to His protection.
is summing up of Karkhi`s somewhat longer statement as quoted by Aghnides,
op. cit., p. 106; cf. also Sarakhsâ, Usul «l-Sarakhsâ, II, 105.
Allamas views on Persian constitutional theory see his articles: Political
Thought in Islam and Islam and Ahmadism, Speeches, Writings
and Statements of Iqbal, pp. 118-19 and 195.
Allamas practical guidelines to reform the present system of legal education
in the modern Muslim world especially in the subcontinent, see his very valuable
letter dated 4 June 1925 to Sahibzadah Aftab Ahmad Khan (Letters of Iqbal,
p. 155); also the last paragraph of his Presidential Address at the All-India
Muslim Conference on 21 March 1932 (Speeches, Writings and Statements,
Sh«fââs identification of Qiy«s and Ijtih«d,
cf. M. Khadduri, Islamic Jurisprudence Sh«fiâs Ris«lah, p. 288
and J. Schacht, The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, pp. 127-28.
Shauk«nâ, op. cit., p. 199; ÿmidâ, op. cit., IV, 42ff; and Mahmas«nâ, op.
cit., Urdu trans. M. A. Ridvâ, p. 188.
Mohammedan Theories of Finance, p. 125. This is the observation, in fact,
of the Sh«fiâjurist Badr al-Dân Muhammad b. Bah«dur b. Abd All«h
al-Zarkashâ of eighth century and not of Sarkashâof tenth century of the Hijrah,
as it got printed in the previous editions of the present work (including the
one by Oxford University Press in 1934). Sarkashâ is a palpable
misprint for Zarkashâ; Aghnides in the above-cited work spells it Zarkashi
but places him in the tenth century of the Hijrah. None of the Zarkashâs, however,
given in the well-known biographical dictionaries, say, Umar Rid« Kahhalahs
fifteen-volume Mujam al-Muallifân (V, 181; IX, 121; X, 22,
205, 239 and XI, 273) is reported to have belonged to tenth century - except,
of course, Muhammad b. Ibra`hi`m b. Lulu al-Zarkashâ mentioned
in VIII, 214 who is said to be still living after 882/1477 or as al-Ziriklâ
puts it to have died sometime after 932/1526 (op. cit., V, 302); but
this Zarkashâ, though he may be said to have made name as an historian of the
Muwahhids and the Hafasids, was no jurist.
It is to
be noted that the passage on the future prospects of Ijtih«d quoted by
Allama Iqbal is only a more significant part of Zarkashâs somewhat longer
statement which Aghnides gives as under:
[i.e., the people entertaining this belief] are thinking of their contemporaries,
it is a fact that they have had contemporaries like al-Qaff«l, al-Ghazz«lâ,
al-Razâ, al-R«fiâ, and others, all of whom have been full mujtahids, and
if they mean by it that their contemporaries are not endowed and blessed by
God with the same perfection, intellectual ability and power, or understanding,
it is absurd and a sign of crass ignorance; finally, if they mean that the previous
writers had more facilities, while the later writers has more difficulties,
in their way; it is again nonsense, for it does not require much understanding
to see that Ijtih«d for the later doctors (mutaakhirën)
is easier than for the earlier doctors. Indeed the commentaries on the Koran
and the sunnah have been compiled and multiplied to such an extent that the
mujtahid of today has more material for interpretation than he needs.
on ijtih«d which Aghnides ascribes clearly to Zarkashâ, albeit of the
tenth century of Hijrah, is in fact, as may be seen, translation of the following
passage from Shauk«nâs Irsh«d al-Fuhël (p. 223):
study of the section of Irsh«d al-Fuhël dealing with the possibility
of there being a period of time without a mujtahid, it becomes abundantly clear
that the views embodied in the above passage are those of the Sh«fiâ jurist
Badr al-Dân Zarkashâ of the eighth century of Hijrah and not of Sarkashâ, nor
of Zarkashâof the tenth century. For an account of the life and works of Badr
al-Dân Zarkashâ, cf. Muhammad Abël-Fadl al-Rahâms introduction
to Zarkashâs well-known, Al-Burh«n fi ulëm al-Qur«n.
It may be
added that the Persian translator of the present work Mr. Ahmad ÿr«m considers
Sarkashâ to be a misprint for Sarakhsâ, i.e. the Hanafâ
jurist Shams al-ÿimmah Abë Bakr Muhammad b. Abâ Sahl al-Sarakhsâ, the author
of the well-known thirty-volume al-Mabsët, who died in near about 483/1090.
Referring to many errors and flaws that have unfortunately crept
into the Lahore edition of the present work, Mr. ÿr«m is inclined to think that
tenth century is another misprint for fifth century
(cf. Ihy«-i Fikr-i Dânâ dar Isl«m, pp. 202-03, note).
admittedly takes his clue from a line in Madame Eva Meyerovitchs French
translation: Reconstruire la pensee religieus de lIslam (p.192)
and perhaps also from the Urdu translation: Tashkâl-i Jadâd Il«hiy«t-i Isl«mâyah
(p. 274) by the late Syed Nadhir Niy«zâ who corrects the name (Sarakhsâ) but
not the date. This is, however, better than the Arabic translator who retains
both the misprints without any comments (cf. Abb«s Mahmëd, Tajdâd al-Tafkâr
al-Dânâfil-Isl«m, p. 206).
article Turkey in Encyclopaedia Britannica, (1953) XXII,
606-08. The French writer alluded to by Allama Iqbal is Andre Servier whose
work LIslam et la psychologie da Musulman translated under the
intriguing title Islam and the Psychology of a Musulman by A. S. Moss
Blandell (London, 1924) aroused the curiosity of many. It is in the last chapter
of his work dealing with French foreign policy that Servier makes some observations
on Turkey such as the following:
Turks constitute an element of balance . . . they form a buffer State
between Europe and the Asiatic ferment (p. 267). (Italics mine.)
interests, therefore, make it our duty to protect them, to maintain them as
an element of equilibrium in the Musulman World (p. 268). (Italics
may profitably be compared with the following passage from Allamas famous
Statement on Islam and Nationalism in Reply to a Statement of Maulana
Husain Ahmad: The history of man is an infinite process of mutual
conflicts, sanguine battles and civil wars. In these circumstances can we have
among mankind a constitution, the social life of which is based upon peace and
security? The Qurans answer is: Yes, provided man takes for his ideal
the propagation of the Unity of God in the thoughts and actions of mankind.
The search for such an ideal and its maintenance is no miracle of political
manoeuvring: it is a peculiar greatness of the Holy Prophet that the self-invented
distinctions and superiority complexes of the nations of the world are destroyed
and there comes into being a community which can be styled ummat-am muslimat-al
laka (a community submissive to Thee, 2:128) and to whose thoughts and actions
the divine dictate shuhadaa al-an nas-i (a community that bears
witness to the truth before all mankind, 2:143) justly applies (Speeches,
Writings and Statements of Iqbal, pp. 262-63).
VII: IS RELIGION POSSIBLE?
delivered in a meeting of the fifty-fourth session of the Aristotelian Society,
London, held on 5 December 1932 with Professor J. Macmurray in the chair, followed
by a discussion by Professor Macmurray and Sir Francis Younghusband - cf. Abstract
of the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society for the Fifty-Fourth
Session, in Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society (New Series),
XXXIII (1933), 341.
was published in the said Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, pp.
47-64, as well as in The Muslim Revival (Lahore), I/iv (Dec. 1932), 329-49.
is a reference to Allama Iqbals own father, who was a devout Sufâ; cf.
S. Sulaim«n Nadvâ, Sair-i Afgh«nist«n, p. 179; also S. Nadhâr Niy«zâ, Iqb«l
ke Àëîur, pp. 60-61. This bold but religiously most significant statement,
I personally feel, is Allamas own; it has been attributed here to an unnamed
Muslim Sufi perhaps only to make it more presentable to the orthodoxy;
see M. Saeed Sheikh, Philosophy of Man, Iqbal Review, XIX/i
(April-June 1988), 13-16, found expression in Allamas verse, viz. Kulliy«t-i
Iqb«l (Urdë), B«l-i Jibrâl, Pt. II, Ghazal 60, v. 4:
Books each verse and part
Be revealed unto your heart,
Interpreters, though much profound,
Its subtle points cannot expound.
2. Cf. Critique
of Pure Reason, Introduction, section vi, pp. 57-58; also Kemp Smiths
Commentary to Kants Critique, pp. 68-70. Metaphysics,
if it means knowledge of the transcendent, or of things-in-themselves,
was rejected by Kant as dogmatic, because it does not begin with a critical
examination of human capacity for such knowledge. Reference may here be made
to one of the very significant jottings by Allama Iqbal on the closing back
page of his own copy of Carl Rahns Science and the Religious Life
(London, 1928), viz. Is religion possible? Kants problem;
cf. Muhammad Siddiq, Descriptive Catalogue of Allama Iqbals Personal
Library, pp. 21-22 and Plate No. 7.
3. The principle
of indeterminacy was so re-christened by A. S. Eddington in his Nature
of the Physical World, p. 220. Now more often known as principle of
uncertainty or uncertainty principle, it was announced
by the physicist philosopher Heisenberg in Zeitschrift fü r Physik, XLIII
(1927), 172-98. Broadly speaking, the principle states that there is an inherent
uncertainty in describing sub-microscopic process. For instance, if the position
of an electron is determined, there remains a measure of uncertainty about its
momentum. As in a complete casual description of a system both the properties
must needs be accurately determined, many physicists and philosophers took this
uncertainty to mean that the principle of causality had been overthrown.
4. Cf. Fusës
al-Hikam (ed. Afâfâ), I, 108, II, 11-12 - the words of the great
Muslim Sufâ philosopher are: al-khalqu maqël-un wal-Haqqu
mahsës-un mashhëd-un. It is noteworthy that this profound mystical observation
is to be found in one of Allama Iqbals verses composed as early as 1903;
cf. B«qây«t-i Iqbal, p. 146, v. 2.
5. For the
Sufi`doctrine of plurality of time and space stated in Lecture III, pp. 60-61
and Lecture V, pp. 107-10 on the basis of the then a rare Persian MS: Gh«yat
al-Imk«n fi Dir«yat al-Mak«n (The Extent of Possibility in the Science of
Space) ascribed by Allama Iqbal to the eminent Sufâ poet (Fakhr al-Dân) Ir«qâ,
see Lecture III, note 34; cf. also Allamas letter to Dr M. Abdull«h
Chaghat«â in Iqbalnamah, II, 334.
6. Cf. John
Passamore, A Hundred Years of Philosophy, p. 98. In fact both these pronouncements
on metaphysics are to be found in Hans Vaihingers work referred to in
the next note. Vaihinger in his chapter on Nietzsche tells us that Langes
theory of metaphysics as a justified form of poetry made a deep
impression upon Nietzsche (p. 341) and he also alludes to Nietzsches
patiently asking himself: Why cannot we learn to look upon metaphysics
and religion as the legitimate play of grown ups? (p. 346, note). Both
these passages are underlined in Allamas personal copy of Vaihingers
work (cf. M. Siddiq, op. cit., p. 6).
is a reference to the title: The Philosophy of As If (1924), translation
of Die Philosophie des Als Ob (1911), a work of the German Kantian philosopher
Hans Vaihinger (1852-1933). The as if philosophy known as fictionism
is an extreme form of Jamess pragmatism or Deweys instrumentalism;
it, however, traces its descent from Kant through F. A. Lange and Schopenhauer.
It holds that as thought was originally an aid and instrument in struggle for
existence it still is incapable of dealing with purely theoretical problems.
Basic concepts and principles of natural sciences, economic and political theory,
jurisprudence, ethics, etc., are merely convenient fictions devised by the human
mind for practical purposes - practical life and intuition, in fact, are higher
than speculative thought.
quite a few observations bearing on Vaihingers doctrine in Allamas
writings, for example, the following passage in Note on Nietzsche:
According to Nietzsche the I is a fiction. It is true that
looked at from a purely intellectual point of view this conclusion is inevitable;
Kants Critique of Pure Reason ends in the conclusion that God,
immoratality and freedom are mere fictions though useful for practical purposes.
Nietzsche only follows Kant in this conclusion (Thoughts and Reflections
of Iqbal, ed. S. A. Vahid, pp. 239-40).
McTaggarts Philosophy: Not William James but Kant was
the real founder of modern pragmatism (ibid., p. 119).
8. For a
comparative study of Indian, Greek, Muslim and modern theories of atomism, cf.
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, II, 197-210, and for a more recent
account of modern atomism Niels Bohrs article: Atom in Encyclopaedia
Britannica, II, 641-47.
9. A. Eddington,
The Nature of Physical World, chapter: Science and Mysticism,
Vasanmal Thad«nâ The Garden of the East, pp. 63-64. Cf. Mathnawi,
iii, 3901-06, 3912-14, for Rëmâs inimitable lines on the theme of biological
future of man which Thad«nâ has presented here in a condensed form.
Thada`ni`in the Preface to his book has made it clear that The poems .
. . are not translations of renderings . . .; they are rather intended to recreate
the spirit and idea of each master . . . .
The Joyful Wisdom, Book V, where Nietzsche denounces nationalism
and race-hatred (as) a scabies of the heart and blood poisoning, also
The Twilight of the Idols, chapter viii where he pronounces nationalism to be
the strongest force against culture.
here is to the misguided observations of the orientalists to be found in such
works as A. Sprenger, Des Leben und die Lehre des Mohammed (1861), 1,
207; D.S. Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam (1905), p. 46;
R. A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs (1907), pp. 147-48;
and D. B. Macdonald, Religious Attitude and life in Islam (1909), p.
14. C. Jung,
Contribution to Analytical Psychology, p. 225.
Psychology of the Unconscious, pp. 42-43.
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindâ, Maktëb«t-i Rabb«nâ, vol. I, Letter 253, also Letters
34, 257 and 260. In all these letters there is listing of the five stations,
viz. Qalb (the heart), Rëh (the spirit),
Sirr (the inner), Khafiy (the hidden),
and Akhf«; together they have also been named as in Letter 34 Jaw«hir-i
Khamsah-i ÿlam-i Amr (Five Essences of the Realm of the Spirit).
Cf. F. Rahman, Selected Letters of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi, chapter iii
Stray Reflections, ed. Dr Javid Iqbal, p. 42, where Nietzsche has been
named as a great prophet of aristocracy; also article: Muslim
Democracy (Speeches, Writings and Statements of Iqbal, pp. 123-24),
where a critical notice of Nietzsches Aristocracy of Supremen
ends up in a very significant rhetorical question: Is not, then, the democracy
of early Islam an experimental refutation of the ideas of Nietzsche?
18. Cf. Kulliy«t-i Iqb«l
(F«risâ), J«vâd N«mah, p. 741, vv. 4 and 3.
this with Allama Iqbals pronouncement on Nietzsche in his highly valuable
article: McTaggarts Philosophy:
A more serious
thing happened to poor Nietzsche, whose peculiar intellectual environment led
him to think that his vision of the Ultimate Ego could be realized in a world
of space and time. What grows only out of the inner depths of the heart of man,
he proposed to create by an artificial biological experiment (Speeches,
Writings and Statements of Iqbal, p. 150).
Note on Nietzsche: Nietzsches Supreman is a biological
product. The Islamic perfect man is the product of moral and spiritual forces
(Thoughts and Reflections of Iqbal, ed. S. A. Vahid, p. 242).
Iqbal wished that Nietzsche were born in the times of Shaikh Ahmad of Sirhind
to receive spiritual light from him see Kulliy«t-i Iqb«l (F«risâ), J«vâd
N«mah, p. 741, v. 10:
he had lived in Ahmads time
so that he might have attained eternal joy. (trans. Arberry)
And he himself
could be Nietzsches spiritual mentor, were he be in Iqbals times;
see Kulliy«t-i Iqb«l (Urdë), B«l-i Jibrâl, Pt. II, Ghazal 33,
Were present in this age
Gods high place and reach (trans. S. Akbar Ali Shah).
A. Schimmel, Some Thoughts about Future Studies of Iqbal, Iqbal,
XXIV/iv (1977), 4.
Bertrand Russell, Relativity: Philosophical Consequences, Section:
Force and Gravitation, Encyclopaedia Britannica, XIX, 99c.
Kulliy«t-i Iqb«l (F«risâ), J«vâd N«mah, p. 607, vv. 10-15 and
p. 608, vv. 1-7.
on Allamas translation of this passage A. J. Arberry in the Introduction
to his translation of J«vâd Nam«h observes that this affords a
very fair example of how close and how remote Iqbal was prepared to make his
own version of himself. And he adds that for comparison, in addition to
the translation of this passage offered by him, the reader may like to consider
its verse-paraphrase by Shaikh Mahmud Ahmad in Pilgrimage of Eternity,
Date/Time Last Modified: 6/18/2002 8:04:11 AM
© 2004, Human Development
Foundation. All rights reserved.
1350 Remington Road, Suite W, Schaumburg, Il. 60173
Toll Free: (800) 705-1310 | Email: email@example.com