Pakistanis and Politics

By YesPakistan.com Staff Writer

Pakistan came into being on August 14, 1947. The vision for this new country, carved out of the Indian subcontinent, was that of a secular democratic nation inhabited by south Asian Muslims.

There are many reasons why democratic institutions have not flourished in Pakistan. One of the main reasons pointed out by historians is that there was never an attempt to start out with a strong franchise or inclusive representation. There was nothing to build on in later years. This is a hurdle that successive governments, civilian or military, have not been able to -- or wanted to - overcome.

Pakistan's history has also shown that basic freedoms have often been the first casualties during any crisis. Freedom of expression, the right to gather in public places, press freedoms, have all been curbed or outright banned whenever the political climate has not been favourable to the existing government.

Political power in Pakistan has traditionally been concentrated in the hands of a few elites. The business of creating governments, writing constitutions, making amendments, have been regarded as outside the realm of what the common Pakistani can participate in. The low literacy rate, just over 50%, has probably done a great deal to further this notion. Ayub Khan famously said that Pakistanis should have limited representation and be associated with decision-making that was at a "level commensurate with their ability."

Another problem that has consistently undermined the development of the political process is the continuing intervention of the military. Of Pakistan's 54 years of existence, more than half that time has been spent under military rule.

Pakistan in its first 11 years was governed by a succession of civilian leaders. But, in 1958, the military made its first intervention. And so the history of military intervention in the day-to-day affairs of Pakistan had begun.

The parliamentary system outlined in the 1956 constitution required disciplined political parties, which did not exist. Societal violence and ethnic unrest further complicated the growth and functioning of parliamentary government. In West Pakistan, chief minister Khan Sahib was assassinated. In the North-West Frontier Province, Khan Sahib's brother, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, of the National Awami Party, turned his back on national politics and said he would work for the attainment of a separate homeland for the Pakhtuns. And in Balochistan, the khan of Kalat again declared his independence, but the Pakistan Army restored Pakistani control.

On October 7, 1958, President Mirza, with the support of the army, suspended the 1956 constitution, imposed martial law, and cancelled the elections scheduled for January 1959. Mirza was also supported by the civil service bureaucracy, which harboured deep suspicions of politicians. Nonetheless, on October 27, Mirza was ousted and sent into lifetime exile in London. General Ayub Khan, the army commander in chief, assumed control of a military government.

As army commander in chief and for a time as minister of defence in 1954, Ayub Khan was empowered to veto virtually any government policy that he felt was inimical to the interests of the armed forces.

Ayub Khan justified his assumption of power by citing the nation's need for stability and the necessity for the army to play a central role. When internal stability broke down in the 1960s, he remained contemptuous of lawyer-politicians and handed over power to his fellow army officers.

Ayub Khan used two main approaches to governing in his first few years. He concentrated on consolidating power and intimidating the opposition. He also aimed to establish the groundwork for future stability through altering the economic, legal, and constitutional institutions.

His system of Basic Democracies did not have time to take root or to fulfill Ayub Khan's intentions before he and the system fell in 1969. And the system did not provide for the mobilization of the rural population around institutions of national integration. Its emphasis was on economic development and social welfare alone. The authority of the civil service was augmented in the Basic Democracies, and the power of the landlords and the big industrialists in the West Wing went unchallenged.

On March 25, 1969, martial law was again proclaimed; General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan, the army commander in chief, was designated chief martial law administrator (CMLA). The 1962 constitution was abrogated, Ayub Khan announced his resignation, and Yahya Khan assumed the presidency. Yahya Khan soon promised elections on the basis of adult franchise to the National Assembly, which would draw up a new constitution. He also entered into discussions with leaders of political parties.

However, Yahya Khan and his military advisers proved no more capable of overcoming the nation's problems than their predecessors. The attempt to establish a military hierarchy running parallel to and supplanting the authority of the civilian administration inevitably ruptured the bureaucratic-military alliance, on which efficiency and stability depended. Little effort was made to promote a national program.

The first general election conducted in Pakistan on the basis of one person, one vote, was held on December 7, 1970; elections to provincial legislative assemblies followed three days later. On March 1, 1971, Yahya Khan dissolved his civilian cabinet and declared an indefinite postponement of the National Assembly. In East Pakistan, the reaction was immediate. Strikes, demonstrations, and civil disobedience increased in tempo until there was open revolt.

On assuming power on December 20, 1971, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto promised to make a new Pakistan out of the West Wing and to restore national confidence. He conveniently laid the entire blame for the 1971 war and Pakistan's defeat on Yahya Khan and his junta. Asserting the principle of civilian leadership, Bhutto introduced a new constitution with a modified parliamentary and federal system. He attempted to control and reform the civil service and took steps to revitalize a stagnant economy and ameliorate conditions for the poor under the banner of Islamic socialism.

Bhutto's program appeared to be laudable but fell short in performance. His near-monopoly of decision-making power prevented democratic institutions from taking root, and his overreaching ambitions managed in time to antagonize all but his closest friends.

By the summer of 1977, Pakistan's domestic situation was at a crisis level. The results of the recent National Assembly election were suspect and the main opposition party demanded elections be held again. Bhutto refused, and a mass protest movement was launched against him. The army intervened on July 5, took all political leaders including Bhutto into custody, and proclaimed martial law.

From that point on until 1988, Pakistan was ruled with an iron fist by the military dictatorship of General Zia-ul-Haq. The General's first task was to have Bhutto executed. The regime is most remembered for its sharp turn toward the Sharia and bringing Islamic laws into the realm of social policy. After his death in 1988 in a mysterious plane crash, Pakistan headed back toward civilian government.

The next 11 years were characterized by a succession of governments, widespread corruption, election rigging, double crosses, and political assassinations. In October of 1999, the military intervened once more. On the orders of General Pervaiz Musharraf, the current prime minister, Mian Nawaz Sharif, was arrested and the General was installed as Pakistan's chief executive.

Pakistan's roller coaster of a history has kept basic political stability at bay. Add to the numerous governments, caretakers governments, and military dictatorships the fact that Pakistan is also an extremely poor nation with a feudal landowning system in place and entrenched illiteracy, it's no wonder that the average Pakistani has not been able to rally for stronger political inclusion.

Date/Time Last Modified: 6/18/2002 8:06:33 AM

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